Iran, 1993

I should

like, before making my statement, to express the deepest

condolences of the people and the Government of the

Islamic Republic of Iran to the people and the Government

of India on the catastrophic earthquake that has caused

untold human suffering.

Allow me, at the outset, to express sincere

congratulations to Ambassador Insanally of Guyana on his

well-deserved election as President of the General Assembly

at its forty-eighth session. His personal qualifications and

diplomatic experience are valuable assets, which must be

utilized fully and seriously to further the purposes of the

United Nations. I wish to assure the President of my

delegation’s unreserved cooperation in this common

endeavour.

I should like also to welcome the new Members of the

Organization and to express the hope that their participation

in this body will enhance its universality and strengthen the

spirit of universality and international cooperation. As

international relations are currently undergoing tumultuous

and decisive change, the presence here of representatives of

the overwhelming majority of nation States provides the

General Assembly at this session with a unique opportunity

20 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session

to shape a better future and an international environment

more in keeping with the purposes and principles of the

United Nations.

Of course, such a rare opportunity is accompanied by

a grave and historic responsibility for every one of us. We

must acquire a full understanding of the transitional nature

of international relations in the world of today, and, relying

on our vast collective resources and potential, we must

prevent the resurgence and prevalence of the crises, wars,

injustices and human misery that have marred the first

50 years of the United Nations.

If, on the eve of its fiftieth anniversary, we are to

ensure a more dynamic and successful future for the

Organization, we must undertake a sober reassessment of our

record and identify our achievements as well as our

shortcomings and obstacles. Regrettably, five years after the

end of the cold war, some of that era’s most negative

characteristics are still evident in international relations.

Expansionism and the urge to dominate, disregard for

the material, cultural and moral values of nations, the

suppression of democracy and of democratic institutions, and

the triumph of the short-sighted interests of the dominant

few over the interests and aspirations of the majority and

over human rights and the United Nations Charter and

international law continue to impede international affairs

and, most regrettably, international organizations. This has

presented the United Nations with a historic challenge: to

maintain and enhance its perceived role and its credibility

following the Persian Gulf crisis. Moreover, despite the

cessation of military rivalry between major Powers, many

complex and grave threats - including those arising from

ethnic tensions, the lack of development, poverty, economic

and social inequality and degradation of the environment -

have taken humanity to the edge of the abyss.

During the era of the cold war, relations between East

and West - and, consequently, international relations in

general - were founded on misconceptions, mutual mistrust

and a total lack of confidence. These factors played a

central role in the creation of an unsafe world, in which the

United Nations was deprived of any opportunity to realize its

vast potential for the maintenance of international peace and

security.

Therefore, our first and foremost obligation is to

identify and root out the causes of crisis and mistrust

inherited from the cold war and to take appropriate steps to

create the conditions necessary to the promotion of

understanding and the fostering of mutual confidence at the

international level.

This should begin with an all-out campaign of steps to

restore world confidence in the United Nations. A balanced,

objective and far-sighted approach to various international

political, economic and cultural crises and challenges, based

on justice and on the common principles and objectives

enshrined in the Charter, is the most fundamental

requirement for the restoration and enhancement of the

credibility of the Organization, and can also play a

significant role in securing long-term stability and trust. In

this context, the identification, definition and deepening of

shared values and common interests will facilitate

understanding and ensure international cooperation.

Should we fail in adopting such an approach, countries

will be forced into a security dilemma created by

unacceptable survival options: namely, either to strengthen

their military capabilities and thus precipitate an arms race

or to succumb to expansionist Powers and their whims. In

either case, the world will plunge into a new era of

insecurity and turbulence.

The Security Council plays a determining role in either

heightening such a dilemma or reversing it. In other words,

the Council may either exacerbate tension and distrust or

encourage understanding, confidence and respect for the rule

of law in inter-State relations.

If the behaviour of the Security Council signifies an

unequivocal commitment to uphold justice and the principles

of the Charter, to combat aggression and to come to the help

of the victims, and if the Council exhibits the political will

to cease the application of double standards, then we can

hope that potential aggressors will be deterred, international

instability and insecurity will be curtailed, and the immense

human cost of wars and hostilities will be avoided.

On the other hand, when, owing to political

calculations, some aggressions and international crimes meet

with the indifference and acquiescence of the Security

Council; when the criteria for resort to forcible measures

envisaged in Chapter VII of the Charter are the short-lived

political interests of Powers; when aggressions and attempts

to annihilate an entire nation do not receive a forcible,

resolute response, while in other cases there is a rush to

resort to force before attempting to understand and deal with

the root causes of a conflict; and, finally, when some

decisions of the Council are enforced with vigour and

determination while others remain dead letters for years;

then no one can expect potential aggressors or possible

Forty-eighth session - 4 October 1993 21

victims of foreign expansionism to form a reliable

expectation with regard to the reaction of the Security

Council. Thus, having removed the credibility of the

deterrence factor, we should expect nothing but the

persistence of aggression and expansionism and the

exacerbation of the ensuing horrific human tragedies,

inevitably leading to undesirable implications for the

authority and credibility of the United Nations.

The failure of the Security Council squarely to face the

Palestinian crisis and the constant aggressions against the

Palestinian people, Lebanon and Syria, not to mention its

intentional failure to enforce its own resolutions, are a sad

illustration of the prevailing preference of political interests

over peace, security, international law and equity. Relying

on the support of a number of powerful States, Israel has

with impunity totally disregarded pertinent Security Council

resolutions, unabatedly pursued a militaristic policy, persisted

in aggression and expansionism and avoided any

commitment to international nuclear non-proliferation

regimes. It is the only possessor of nuclear weapons in the

region. It has systematically and grossly violated the most

elemental human rights of the Palestinian people and

employed terrorism in all its forms as an official policy.

These are facts, borne out by history and solidly based on

objective international observations and internationally

documented evidence. Israel’s well orchestrated

misinformation campaign against others and its attempts to

fan the flames of discord, distrust and division among States

in the region cannot conceal these facts, nor should they

legitimize the unrealistic, short-sighted and imposed plans as

solutions or mechanisms to return peace and stability to the

region.

In our view, peace, stability and mutual confidence can

return to the Middle East and to the Holy Land of Peace and

Revelation only through a serious and even-handed treatment

of these realities and the full restoration of the inalienable

rights of the Palestinian people. Based on these objective

historical realities, the recent accord, notwithstanding the

international fanfare, does not present a realistic solution to

the root causes of the conflict, does not promise restoration

of Palestinian rights, and thus cannot establish justice, which

is the only foundation of a lasting peace. And no one can

cede Palestine on behalf of the Palestinian people or

Al-Quds Al-Sharif on behalf of the Muslims. We consider

the signing of this accord as a conspiracy against Islam and

Palestine, and we disagree with it.

The unfolding human tragedy in Bosnia and

Herzegovina is yet further disturbing evidence of the

consequences of the Security Council’s acquiescence in

aggression, and failure resolutely to tackle the causes of the

abhorrent attempt to annihilate an entire nation. In the face

of aggression, genocide, rape and indiscriminate murder in

Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Security Council, ignoring

repeated calls by the General Assembly, has failed to fulfil

its international responsibility and has even deprived the

victims of the means to defend themselves. The Council,

prevented from action by the illusions and imaginary

interests of a number of its permanent members, can

certainly not justify this approach by hiding behind the

convenient excuse of the existence of civil war. That excuse

is unacceptable, at the least because of the fact that the very

same Council, in a much more complex situation of civil

strife in Somalia - where the identification of victim and

culprit is far more difficult - has not only acted but has

practically given total management of a United Nations

operation to a single country, which, motivated by its own

perceived interests, has undertaken massive operations whose

main victims are, ironically, the same innocent and deprived

people for whose help and protection the operation

ostensibly started.

Now that, owing to the lack of serious action by the

international community, the Bosnian Muslims have been

forced into unbalanced negotiations under military and,

unfortunately, diplomatic duress, it is imperative for the

Assembly and the Security Council to take appropriate

measures to guarantee the viability of the Government and

Muslim people of Bosnia. The lifting of the arms embargo

against the Bosnian Government and strengthening the

defensive capabilities of the Bosnian Muslims are, in our

view, the most effective guarantees for the durability of any

peaceful settlement and the prevention of future aggressions.

Furthermore, reiteration of the principles which should

underlie any peaceful settlement in Bosnia and Herzegovina

is necessary to induce or, if necessary, to compel the

aggressors to participate seriously in negotiations for a

lasting and acceptable solution. They include, most

particularly, the establishment of a durable cease-fire; the

lifting of the siege of cities; unhindered access to

humanitarian assistance; the rejection of acquisition of

territory by force or ethnic cleansing; the necessity for the

evacuation of territories thus occupied; the recognition of the

right of the people and Government of Bosnia to seek and

receive compensation and reparations; the honourable and

safe repatriation of refugees; and individual responsibility for

war crimes.

In the light of these recent unfortunate experiences and

in order to enhance the credibility of the United Nations,

particularly in the crucial area of peace and security, it is

imperative to review and reconsider the behaviour,

22 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session

operational framework and rules of procedure of the Security

Council. There should be no room for undemocratic

practices, hidden agendas, a lack of transparency or

indifference to the views of the international community, as

reflected in the General Assembly. It should never be

forgotten that it is the entire membership - represented only

in the General Assembly - which, to quote Article 24 of the

Charter,

"In order to ensure prompt and effective action by

the United Nations ... [has conferred] on the Security

Council primary responsibility for the maintenance of

international peace and security".

The Council acts, in the words of Article 24, on

"behalf" of the membership. Its powers emanate from that

role and not from any inherent right. Therefore, it is

accountable to the entire membership gathered in the

General Assembly. In today’s international climate, the

primacy of political interests and their tendency to

overshadow the interests of the public has generated grave

concerns about the Council’s ability to take "prompt and

effective action". The General Assembly must therefore

fully and deliberately exercise its prerogatives in this regard

as the highest organ of the United Nations.

Confidence-building measures by the United Nations

should not be limited only to the realm of international peace

and security. Indeed, a multi-dimensional approach is

necessary to root out the seeds of tension and mistrust sown

in the previous era. In this context, it is most important to

take positive, comprehensive and objective steps for

international promotion and protection of human rights and

democratic institutions, for controlling and reducing

armaments, for combating the drug menace, for protecting

the environment, for eradicating poverty, for improving the

deteriorating economic plight of the South and for

engendering sustainable development. Success in these areas

would not only enhance the credibility and authority of the

Organization, but would also remove the most tangible

causes of mistrust and tension in the world at large.

In spite of significant achievements in the international

campaign to promote respect for the exalted worth of the

human person and the realization and attainment of the

moral and material rights of that masterpiece of creation,

formidable challenges continue to persist in the task of

ensuring respect for the most basic rights of millions of

human beings: the right to life and the right to a minimum

of moral and material welfare. The World Conference on

Human Rights, recently held in Vienna, provided a valuable

opportunity for the world community to take stock of its

achievements and shortcomings in the quarter of a century

following the first such conference, held in Tehran in 1968.

The Conference addressed vital issues, such as respect for

the moral, cultural and religious values of all nations, the

indivisibility of all human rights, and the rejection of

selectivity, application of double-standards and the political

manipulation of human rights. While not ideal, the work of

the Conference can play a constructive role in enhancing

international protection and promotion of human rights and

the progressive development of human-rights norms.

In the logic of the divine religions - and particularly

Islam, which pioneered the campaign to respect and value

the exalted worth of the human being as God’s Vice-Regent

on Earth - human rights are vested in the human nature

bestowed upon mankind by the Almighty Creator. Hence,

not only are they universal and independent of geographical

and temporal boundaries, but they do not have their origin

in conventions. Therefore, their definition, codification,

implementation and international promotion and protection

cannot be considered the private domain of the few who

enjoy temporary political and military superiority. That is

particularly true as those States do not have a shining record

in internal or external protection of human rights and do not

offer in their own social experience a suitable moral and

material environment for the welfare of human beings. If

violence and crime, which deprive the most vulnerable

segments of society of their right to life and dignity - I refer

here to the drug menace, prostitution, pornography, rape,

violence and other forms of abuse of women, the

disintegration of families, profanity and vulgarity as well as

debasing of social relations - are at least the byproducts of

the human-rights model advocated, or indeed imposed, by

that group, then others certainly have the right to examine

the prototype critically before importing it.

The universality of human rights is the very opposite of

arrogating to oneself the task of setting the standards for

human rights and of judging their observance by others,

particularly since even these standards are not promoted

universally and across the board, but are, rather, resorted to

when and if the exigencies of foreign policy and economic

and security interests require it.

Human rights and the inherent worth of the human

person are too important to be subjugated to short-lived

political considerations and interests or used as a lever for

political or cultural pressure or for maintaining the inequity

between the South and the North. That can only erode their

credibility and universal acceptance. We hope that political

will and responsible behaviour by all countries, specifically

the countries of the North, will preclude a selective approach

Forty-eighth session - 4 October 1993 23

to the Vienna Declaration and enable the international

community to employ its collective potential to reach

common understanding in this area and initiate a truly

universal campaign for the promotion and protection of

human rights.

Another vestige of the cold-war era, which constitutes

an elemental cause of international mistrust and a general

lack of confidence, is the arms race and the development,

production, build-up and use of weapons, particularly

weapons of mass destruction - all in the misplaced hope of

enhancing national security.

The conclusion of the comprehensive Convention on

chemical weapons, notwithstanding its shortcomings, was a

historic achievement. Iran, the most recent victim of the

large-scale use of chemical weapons, actively contributed in

the drafting process, was among the sponsors of the relevant

resolution in the General Assembly, and was among the first

signatories of this important international instrument. The

effectiveness and universality of the Convention will be a

function of the way in which it is implemented and of the

degree of commitment of its signatories.

Naturally, with the conclusion of this Convention, the

existing informal regimes which impose discriminatory

barriers on free trade in the chemical industry have lost their

raison d’être and must be dismantled. The lingering of

these regimes not only violates the spirit of the Convention

and the understandings reached during the process of its

finalization, but also nullifies the positive incentives for

acceding to that instrument. The same applies to unilateral

and illegal measures such as the disruption of the free

navigation of the Chinese vessel Yinhe, in the Persian Gulf,

on the pretext - subsequently proven false - that it was

carrying prohibited chemical substances. Such actions can

only lead to the erosion of the authority and credibility of

the Convention.

International efforts to prevent the proliferation of

nuclear weapons face a similar danger. Politically motivated

and unfounded accusations against signatory States which are

committed to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear

Weapons simply undermine that important instrument and

lead to international mistrust and the escalation of the arms

race. Before any decision on the extension of the NonProliferation Treaty in 1995, the process leading to the

Review Conference should be fully utilized in order

seriously to assess the Treaty’s record during the past two

decades in the light of its overall objective of totally

eliminating nuclear weapons. The shortcomings and

obstacles hindering progress towards this goal should be

identified and dealt with during the Conference in 1995.

Among the most essential and useful strategies for

attaining global disarmament and strengthening the

non-proliferation regime is the creation of zones free from

nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction in various

parts of the world. In the light of the constant support of the

United Nations for the establishment of a nuclear-free zone

in the Middle East, an idea initiated by Iran in 1974, it is

necessary to take constructive and practical measures

towards establishing such a zone. The institutionalization of

regional confidence-building measures, including placement

of all facilities and installations under the safeguards

mechanism of the International Atomic Energy Agency and

accession by all regional States to all international

disarmament instruments, particularly the Non-Proliferation

Treaty and the chemical weapons Convention, constitute the

most important elements for the establishment of a zone free

from nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction in the

Middle East.

Furthermore, the reckless build-up of conventional

weapons has not only devoured much needed resources, but

also reinforced the atmosphere of mistrust and anxiety.

Different areas have, as a result, become fair ground for

political, economic and commercial exploitation by countries

and companies that manufacture weapons. The decision of

the General Assembly to establish a Register of

Conventional Arms Transfers constitutes a positive first step

which should be strengthened and further refined.

However, it is evident that transparency in armaments

cannot by itself control horizontal or vertical proliferation of

conventional weapons in the world. Therefore, what is

really necessary, globally and particularly in the Middle

East, is serious and genuine international cooperation for the

comprehensive, non-selective, non-discriminatory, balanced

and effective reduction of conventional arms. This may be

realized, inter alia, through the reduction of military budgets,

of weapons procurement and of the presence of foreign

forces in different regions. The Islamic Republic of Iran has

been cited by impartial international sources as the country

with the lowest defence budget in the region and the fewest

weapons purchases. As such, Iran is naturally prepared to

engage constructively in any serious, practical and

non-sensational collective effort in this regard.

Above and beyond all these steps, it is most essential

to generate the necessary political will to formulate and

direct national policies geared towards fostering an

international atmosphere of mutual confidence. This can be

24 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session

realized only by basing national policies on a commitment

to the rules and principles of international law, particularly

respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of others;

the inviolability of internationally recognized boundaries;

rejection of the threat or use of force for the settlement of

disputes; non-interference in the internal affairs of others;

and refraining from advancing unfounded claims against the

territory of other States. The positive impact of such an

approach on promoting good-neighbourly relations,

encouraging regional cooperation and the enhancement of

security is self-evident.

Consistent with its national and strategic interests, and

cognizant of its heavy responsibility in this region, the

Islamic Republic of Iran has historically acted as the force

for stability in the Persian Gulf region. Domestically, the

greatest part of the national budget has been allocated to

economic, social and cultural development projects and

reconstruction. The policy of converting military industries

to civilian use and employing the armed forces in the

reconstruction sector has been vigorously pursued. Thus,

despite serious obstacles, fundamental progress has been

achieved in across-the-board development of the country and

reconstruction of war-damaged property. Similarly, in order

to help foster regional confidence and trust, and in spite of

sensitive regional conditions and the bitter experience of a

recent foreign aggression against the Islamic Republic of

Iran, we have allocated a mere 1.5 per cent of the national

budget for defence and have had the lowest military

purchases in the entire region.

Externally, Iran has formulated its policy with a view

to encouraging and promoting security and stability in the

region, as well as expanding political, economic, cultural and

scientific cooperation between the countries of the area. The

position of principle adopted by Iran in the course of the

Persian Gulf crisis; our constant effort to prevent the spread

of violence in the region; our even-handed and consistent

emphasis on international understanding and compromise in

Afghanistan and Tajikistan; our attempts to secure a peaceful

settlement in the Caucasus; our being host to the highest

number of refugees in the world; and the humanitarian

assistance extended by Iran to victims of crisis in the region;

these are all consistent with our policy of strengthening

stability, preventing tension and mitigating the human

suffering of the crisis victims in the region. We firmly

believe that the pursuit of these efforts, along with

consultations and cooperation between concerned States and

international organizations, is required to contain and settle

these conflicts and alleviate their ensuing human tragedies.

To ensure peace and stability in Central Asia and the

Transcaucasus, it is necessary to encourage trade with the

countries of Central Asia and the Caucasus, create the right

conditions for economic development in each country,

reinforce regional commonalities and complementarities, and

improve the opportunities for these countries to participate

more profitably in world trade. The efforts of the members

of the Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) to achieve

these goals and to overcome obstacles to regional

development by consolidating mutual cooperation and

fostering cooperation with other countries and international

organizations will contribute positively to regional and

international peace and security. Formal collaboration

between ECO and the United Nations, which requires

approval by the Assembly of ECO’s request for observer

status, will also expedite the realization of these objectives.

The vital importance of the Persian Gulf for the

security and economic development of the Islamic Republic

of Iran is self-evident. Iran, with the longest coast on the

Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman, has historically equated

its own national security and economic prosperity with

security, stability, tranquillity and the free flow of oil and

international commerce in the Persian Gulf area. It has

thereby acted as a force for stability. In this context, we

have also proposed the establishment of regional security

and cooperation arrangements in the Persian Gulf, whose

outline I presented to the forty-fifth session of the General

Assembly. The experience of two devastating wars in the

Persian Gulf region within one decade clearly illustrates the

fact that baseless territorial claims lead to the erosion of

understanding and confidence, only furthering the interest of

foreign Powers.

Forty-eighth session - 4 October 1993 25

The common religious, cultural, historical and

commercial heritage of the countries of this region provide

a good and solid foundation on which initiatives to reinforce

mutual trust and develop multilateral cooperation between

these States can be founded. The Islamic Republic of Iran

has taken the initiative by manifesting its political will and

adopting practical measures in order to strengthen political

ties and further develop and consolidate commercial,

economic and cultural cooperation with our neighbours in

the Persian Gulf. In turn, we would welcome and respond

accordingly to any positive step from our neighbours.

Let me conclude by reiterating that recent international

developments and emerging challenges have placed the

United Nations at a critical and historic crossroads. Success,

in our view, will depend on a sober understanding of the

causes of tension and mistrust during the cold war, followed

by resolute steps to root them out. Joint effort is also

needed to develop and put into motion multidimensional

confidence-building measures and techniques, consolidate

and expand international cooperation, and bring about

conditions conducive to the attainment of common

aspirations of humanity, particularly justice, security and

balanced development. The Islamic Republic of Iran is fully

prepared to intensify its efforts in cooperation with other

States in this Assembly and in other bilateral and multilateral

environments for the attainment of these objectives.