Iran, 1969

122. Allow me, Madam President, to

extend to you my warmest congratulations on your

election as President of the twenty-fourth session of the

General Assembly. Your election to this high office

represents a source of particular pleasure and satisfaction to

my delegation, not only because it is most fitting that a

person of your standing, a distinguished representative of

Liberia, one of the African founding Members of the

United Nations, should lead the affairs of the Assembly,

but also because your election will further enhance the

status of women and the recognition of the contributions

which they can make to the world community and the

resolution of its problems.

123. In your election, we thus celebrate the victory of a

cause signifying freedom from past burdens, as well as hope

for the future. Let us draw strength from this auspicious

beginning to face the issues before us in a spirit of

solidarity, determination and hope.

124. The untimely death of your predecessor, the late

Mr. Arenales, has caused us deep sorrow. We admired the

courage, candour and devotion which he showed during the

last session of the Assembly, and his memory will live with

us for a long time.

125. This year marks the beginning of a new era in the

history of mankind. A great dream, long cherished by man,

has been realized. For centuries, the moon has inspired

philosophical thoughts, lyrics and faith. It has been

portrayed by man as a mystery beyond his reach. Today, it

inspires human solidarity and peace because the brave men

who first set foot upon it did so in the name of all mankind.

126. This fantastic feat represents not only the rapidity of

change in the world today but, more important, the fact

that man is capable of realizing his most ambitious dreams.

We owe the United States a particular vote of thanks for

this historic and tremendous achievement. We express once

again our congratulations to the American Government and

people and, in particular, to those men and women whose

contributions turned the Apollo 11 project into a living

reality. Similarly, our congratulations must also go to the

Soviet Union for its outstanding contributions in the same field.

127. As man plans to move to Mars and throughout the

solar system, more than half of the world’s people continue

to suffer under conditions of poverty, injustice and

oppression in a world torn with strife and armed conflict,

Our efforts to tackle these problems have made little or no

headway.

128. While man’s flight to the moon demonstrates his

genius in overcoming physical problems of great magnitude

and complexity, the sad state of affairs prevailing in the

world today is a vivid but tragic reminder that man is still

afflicted with shortcomings in the social and political fields,

which hamper him from coping with the age-old problems

of peace and security with justice.

129. Détente is beginning to take shape despite passing

setbacks. Many of the concepts and policies that had

shackled progress towards understanding and co-operation

between the great Powers are diminishing in importance.

Yet, seeking to limit the areas of friction, the great Powers

face the same dilemmas on the road to peace as in the past.

The war in Viet-Nam keeps harvesting young lives in both

camps. The search for peace in the Middle East remains

blocked. War in Nigeria goes on.

130. This year we have also witnessed the development of

a new situation. Tension over the Sino-Soviet border poses

a new menace to the peace and stability of the world.

131. I should like, therefore, to turn my attention briefly

to some of these areas and to begin, specifically, with a

conflict that has torn down the foundation of peace in our

own region.

132. The situation in the Middle East has gone from bad

to worse and represents a grave threat to peace and

security. At the turn of the year, some hopes were raised by

the prospect of talks among the four permanent members

of the Security Council. It was hoped that the assistance

which the four Powers were to render would break the

deadlock and lead to a settlement of the present precarious

and explosive situation. However, these hopes were soon to

be dashed, while Ambassador Jarring has all but abandoned

his search for settlement. As a result, Arab territories are

still under occupation. In its attempt to keep its hold on

Jerusalem and parts of other occupied Arab territories,

Israel is missing a central point: that lasting peace cannot be

built on a victor-vanquished basis.

133. I have on a number of occasions, from this rostrum

as well as in other forums, urged the need for withdrawal of

Israeli forces from Arab territories, as it is essential to the

establishment of a just and lasting peace. I have also

stressed that we reject resorting to force as a means of

settling disputes, and we have reaffirmed our conviction

that titles obtained by force could not be recognized as

valid. No State must be allowed to extend its frontiers as a

result of war.

134. We were filled with a sense of deep shock and

repulsion at the burning of the Al Aqsa Mosque, one of the

holiest shrines in the Moslem world. This criminal act has

also destroyed irreplaceable relics dating back to the

beginning of Islam. The anger and sense of indignation of

people throughout the Moslem world were profound. In

voicing the deep sense of grief of the Iranian people, cause

by the calamity which has befallen the Moslem world, my

august Sovereign offered Iran’s assistance to meet the

situation, particularly for the rebuilding and repair of the

mosque. At the same time, together with other Moslem

countries, we took the necessary steps in the Security

Council for the safeguarding of the holy shrines.

135. This act of arson, through deplorable, was the spark

that led to the first Islamic Summit Conference, held at

Rabat from 22 to 25 September 1969. The Conference

ended with positive results and laid the foundations for

future co-operation among the various Islamic nations. It

also fostered solidarity among the Moslems of the world.

My Government supports the Declaration of the Rabat

Islamic Conference, which is in conformity with the

resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and the

Security Council of the United Nations to which we have

already subscribed.

136. Now a word about Jerusalem. While restoration

efforts must continue, we must also address ourselves to the

root cause of the problem, which is the occupation of the

old section of Jerusalem by Israeli forces. Efforts to change

the status of Jerusalem have met with the strong opposition

of the overwhelming majority of Members of the General

Assembly and the unified stand of the Security Council.

Israel has been instructed by those two organs to rescind all

measures taken to change the status of Jerusalem.

137. We believe that Israel should be made to implement

those decisions. We also continue to believe that only

through the implementation of the decisions of the

Security Council, in particular the Security Council resolution

[242 (1967)] of 22 November 1967, is it possible to

reach a peaceful settlement. We further maintain that the

four-Power negotiations could make valuable contributions

to arriving at a settlement.

138. The tragic war in Viet-Nam continues to exact a

heavy toll of human life and property. The diplomatic

initiatives taken by the parties involved to break the

deadlock in the Paris talks are significant. We certainly hope

that the present trend, in particular the partial evacuation

of United States troops, will lead to meaningful discussions

and a final settlement. Nevertheless, our concern for

international peace and security has not diminished. I wish

to express once again our earnest hope for a speedy

settlement of the armed conflict.

139. Our preoccupation with problems of war and peace

should not distract our attention from a score of important

issues before our Organization; neither should we fail to

note its achievements.

140. This year marked the successful conclusion of work

begun some years back in the International. Law Commission.

The Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties,

which has already received the signatures of more than

thirty States, is the fruit of years of co-operative efforts by

a body of distinguished international jurists. In codifying

recognized principles of international law the Conference

did not fail to devote time and attention to the progressive

development of international law in the spirit of Article 13

of the Charter. Principles such as freedom of consent and

that of prohibition of force, coercion and threat, in the

conclusion of treaties, were provided with an international

legal context for the first time. The Convention no doubt

will strengthen the friendly relations among States and

promote international understanding and co-operation.

141. Let me turn now to the question of peace-keeping

operations. Iran follows developments in this field with the

same interest as that which prompted us, some years ago, to

offer to place a detachment of our armed forces at the

disposal of the United Nations. It is in this spirit that we

welcome the progress made on some minor aspects of this

important issue. The slow pace of progress should, in our

view, be judged tolerantly in the light of the nature of the

issues involved and the differences on major aspects of this

matter. Looked at from this angle, the question of United

Nations military observers presents itself as the end to a

beginning.

142. There is, of course, a long way to go. We should

continue with patience and vigour to try to overcome

divergences through detailed and businesslike discussions

of the issues. In doing so, we must continue to be guided by

fidelity to the provisions of the Charter of the United

Nations and respect for past experience in this field.

143. In the course of the past year, progress in the field of

arms control and disarmament dropped to a disquieting

low. More aptly this period might be described as one

whose potential productivity remained untapped. It will be

noted less for its achievements than for its failures. The

continued postponements of the strategic arms talks tend

to increase the difficulty inherent in the issues that form

the substance of those talks. The reasons behind that delay

still remain unknown.

144. The super-Powers, which have managed to become

both the champions and the arbiters in the disarmament

game, remain reluctant to discuss, and even more so to

resolve, the issues which have been accorded the highest

priority by this Assembly. Instead they discuss their own

priorities within their self-designed negotiating forum. In a

constructive spirit of self-discipline, we are willing to ignore

this as long as the outcome serves, though in varying

degrees, the interest of all. It is in this spirit that we hope

and expect that out of the present negotiations in Geneva

an agreement will emerge to bar the extension of the arms

race to the sea-bed and the ocean floor. It is also our hope

that a consensus will be reached on the issue of prohibition

of chemical and biological weapons and methods of

warfare.

145. I should like to take this opportunity to pay tribute

to our Secretary-General for the constructive proposal

made in the introduction to his annual report to the

General Assembly, to designate the 1970s as the Disarmament

Decade [A/7601/Add.1, para. 42]. We see in that

proposal the customary merit of his timely warnings on the

issues facing the world community. Iran is glad to associate

itself with that proposal.

146. The drive by the United Nations to promote respect

for human rights has continued to meet massive resistance.

Our rhetoric does nothing to reduce the misery of men

living under the scourge of apartheid. Despite efforts to

bring colonialism to. an end, millions of people still suffer

under its yoke in one form or another. Blended with racism

and the denial of human rights, colonial domination in

southern Africa has created a situation that poses net only

a challenge to the authority and prestige of our Organization,

but also a threat to world peace and stability.

147. We continue to condemn the policies of apartheid,

suppression and exploitation of colonial Territories and

peoples. We continue to endorse their legitimate struggle to

restore their fundamental rights, freedom and independence

in accordance with the provisions of the Charter, the

Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the Declaration

on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.

148. It is the hope of my delegation that as we approach

the tenth anniversary of the historic Declaration contained

in General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), the world

community will intensify its efforts, not only to eliminate

the last vestiges of colonialism but also to restore the

legitimate rights of those nations who, in the course of

colonial domination, were victimized by arrangements

contrary to international laws and justice.

149. I wish now to turn to certain questions of particular

concern to my country. In line with cur national independent

policy in international relations, Iran enjoys cordial

and friendly relations with all countries, irrespective of

their social and political systems, and in particular with its

neighbours. There is one unhappy exception; the recent

developments in our relations with Iraq.

150. The Government of Iraq persists in interfering with

the free navigation of vessels bound for Iranian ports on the

Shatt-al-Arab, the river that flows between the two countries

to the Persian Gulf. On 15 April 1969 Iraq went so far

as to threaten to board vessels sailing to Iranian ports and

flying the Iranian flag. It further threatened to use force

should the Iranian merchant vessels not comply with its

demands. I should add that this threat has not been carried

out due to the fact that Iran stands alert in defence of its

inalienable and legitimate rights. Nevertheless, there have

been increasing acts of interference, resulting in serious

discouragement to shipping to Iranian ports on the Shatt-al-Arab.

151. Iraq bases its claim of absolute sovereignty over the

Shatt-al-Arab on a treaty imposed by colonial interests and

which Iraq itself has for thirty-two years refused to carry

out. It is inconceivable that in the second half of the

twentieth century a country should rest its case on the

doctrine of exclusive domain on a river of this size, which

runs some eighty miles along the shores of our two countries.

152. A river with such characteristics cannot, on the basis

of established rules and principles of international law,

come under the jurisdiction and absolute sovereignty of any

one country. More than half the waters of the Shatt-al-Arab

originated from Iranian sources. Moreover, from the general

tone of the 1937 Treaty, and the real significance of the

Protocol attached to it, it is clearly and fully understood

that the Shatt-al-Arab is not and cannot be under the

absolute sovereignty of Iraq.

153. Iraq, by its refusal to carry out its commitments

under the 1937 Treaty, has forfeited any rights it acquired

under that Treaty, which, moreover, due to its colonialistic

aspect is null and void. Consequently, the boundary set in

the Shatt-al-Arab reverted to mid-channel or the thalweg.

The issue between the two Governments is whether the

Shatt-al-Arab should be a barrier or a bridge. Iran has

offered to work out with Iraq a treaty for co-operative

administration of the Shatt-al-Arab with free navigation

throughout the entire river.

154. We have informed the President of the Security

Council of our position, and have proposed a number of

constructive alternatives for the peaceful settlement of this

dispute in accordance with Article 33 of the United Nations

Charter. It is our earnest hope that Iraq will respond

positively and in the same spirit of co-operation and

understanding for a satisfactory solution of this problem.

155. Another matter of concern to my country is the

situation in the Persian Gulf. We are bound to this area by

history and geography. The Persian Gulf is part of our past,

and its entire northern shore constitutes Iranian territory.

Under these circumstances we attach the greatest importance

to the developments in this area, and are destined to

share with other Persian Gulf States and Territories the

fortunes of the region.

156. Ever since the announcement by the British that they

would withdraw from the Persian Gulf, we have made it

clear that it is not enough only to advocate that an old era.

is dying out and a new one is setting in. We maintain that

this withdrawal should be real and genuine. The people of

the Persian Gulf should be left free to determine their own

future and to evolve the necessary co-operative arrangements

suited to the new evolving pattern.

157. We believe now, and we continue to believe, that

conditions of security and stability in the Persian Gulf area

can be maintained only if the historical rights and interests

of all the littoral States are preserved.

158. I now wish to turn to a matter of equal importance

to peace and security in the world; the question of

economic development. As to the need for concerted action

and co-operative efforts to deal with problems of under-development

increases, there appears to be less willingness

on the part of the developed countries to take the resolute

steps required to translate lofty objectives into living

realities. At a time when affluence is rapidly becoming the

prevailing condition of whole countries or regions of the

world, the large majority of humanity continues to live in

conditions of poverty, disease and hunger. Surely, the time

has come, through global partnership, to deal effectively

with this paradoxical and intolerable situation.

159. It is tragic to note that when development aids are

beginning to yield results, the political will in the developed

countries for international aid seems to be faltering.

Perhaps this may be partially due to the realization that the

fight against poverty and want in the domestic field has

been neglected. Nevertheless, no matter how much progress

towards establishing conditions of affluence is made in the

domestic realm, the war against injustice and want will not

be won if it is neglected in the international field.

160. In this regard, we were gratified to learn this morning

that a distinguished world personality, Mr. Lester Pearson, a

former President of this Assembly, and other distinguished

experts have so ably reflected the needs of the developing

countries in their report to the World Bank. It is our

sincere hope that their recommendations will receive active

and positive consideration.

161. Closely linked with the problem of securing the

necessary resources for development programmes is the

question of manpower shortage, which is acute in most of

the developing countries. In this area, however, conditions

are rather favourable. Here, the enthusiasm of youth

provides an enormous source of energy which is still largely

untapped. Should we not then try to channel the idealism

of youth into the fight against poverty, disease, and

illiteracy on a global scale?

162. It was in view of these considerations that the

Shahanshah Aryamehr took the initiative in suggesting the

creation of an international corps of volunteers. The

response of the General Assembly at its last session and its

unanimous vote is encouraging in this regard. It is equally

gratifying to note that at its last summer session, the

Economic and Social Council adopted, without a dissenting

vote, a resolution [1444 (XLVII)] based on that proposal.

163. It gives me a great pleasure to express the thanks of

my delegation for the cordial words of support expressed

by many of those at the Economic and Social Council

meeting for the initiative of my august Sovereign.

164. The approval by the Economic and Social Council is

ample proof that there is a recognized need to afford young

people an opportunity to participate in the global quest for

peace as well as for development within an international

framework. Here, I should like to stress that we attach the

greatest importance to a volunteer corps which has a

genuine international character, operating under the United

Nations supervision and administration. It goes without

saying that national schemes may also make their contributions

to the international volunteer corps, but that once

they are made, they fall within the jurisdiction and under

the authority of the United Nations.

165. For our part, we have oriented our social programmes

towards economic prosperity. The focus of our

fourth development programme is on the industrial sector,

an institution of far-reaching social reforms which provides

necessary impetus for rapid growth. Last year, our economy

enjoyed another twelve per cent expansion. This was

achieved with relative price stability.

166. In other areas, the use of army conscripts in literacy,

health and development programmes continues to yield

important results.

167. We shall soon be marking the twenty-fifth anniversary

of the founding of our Organization. As we approach

it, we cannot expect to recapture the first hopes that went

with the signing of the Charter. We must draw the lesson of

twenty-five years’ experience of success and failure. If,

from that mixed history, one bit of wisdom is to be gained,

it is that the principles of the Charter remain the bedrock

on which to build a peaceful and prosperous world. If we

have not made greater progress toward building it, the fault

lies in ourselves.

168. What is required from each of us is a sober resolve,

when dealing with our common problems, to see them in a

wide, indeed a global, perspective. This would mean

abandoning excessive preoccupation with the achievement

of narrow national interests. It would mean seeking to

conduct our international relations so that everyone gains,

not so that some profit at the expense of others.

169. It is my hope that, already at this session of the

Assembly, we shall see a new birth of such a co-operative

spirit in the approach to our trying problems.