Iran, 1992

At the outset, I should like to offer the

President my most sincere congratulations on his well-deserved election to

preside over the forty-seventh session of the General Assembly and to express

my delegation's gratitude and appreciation for the constructive efforts of the

President of the forty-sixth session. It is our earnest hope that the General

Assembly, drawing upon our President's valuable experience and diplomatic

skills, will play a significant role in the new international environment. I

assure him of my delegation's full cooperation to this end.

I also take this opportunity to offer my heartfelt felicitations to the

new Members who have joined us in the United Nations since the last session of

the General Assembly, most of whom are neighbours of the Islamic Republic of

Iran. It is a matter of great joy and satisfaction for me and my delegation

that the seat of Afghanistan in the Assembly is at long last occupied by the

representatives of the legitimate Government of that country.

This session opens at a time, in the aftermath of the cold war, when

tumultuous developments in the international arena continue to unfold, facing

the international community with opportunities and challenges alike. In the

cold-war era the global arms race, the arming of client States and the

instigation of regional wars sapped the energy and capabilities of countries,

especially in the third world, thus debilitating them in their efforts to

stand up to the challenge of such chronic and endemic problems as poverty.

hunger, illiteracy, drug-addiction and drug trafficking, underdevelopment and

environmental pollution.

The collapse of the bipolar world has created a propitious opportunity

for mankind to address those problems in earnest. It has also brought to the

fore new threats to international peace and security, such as the devising of

new ways of expansion and consolidation of domination and hegemony, a further

widening of the North-South gap and flare-ups of ethnic and racial differences

and conflicts.

Due to continuing transformations in geographical, economic, military and

cultural configurations, the world today is in a vulnerable state of flux, and

until reliable stability emerges the approach of big Powers to the United

Nations and that of the Organization to international issues and problems will

remain very sensitive and significant.

The United Nations, as the only universal body, should contribute to the

solution of major global problems without resort to short-sighted political

expediency. It should do so on the basis of justice and respect for human

dignity, lofty human values and the rules of international law. Selectivity

is certain to turn the Organization into a tool for legitimizing the actions

of powerful Member States. This represents the most formidable challenge to

the Organization's integrity, credibility and relevance.

In this context I need give just a few clear examples: first, in dealing

with international crises, the use of double standards based on the political

interests of the powerful, as manifested, on one hand, by the Security

Council's treatment of Iraq's aggression against Kuwait and, on the other

hand, by the decades-old aggression of the Zionist regime; secondly, the

non-application, for reasons of political expediency, of the existing means

and instruments to certain crises, as witnessed in the Council's half-hearted

approach to Serbia's blatant aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and

Herzegovina; thirdly, indifference to, or total negligence of, certain

explosive and tragic situations, such as those in Somalia and Liberia, which,

despite obvious disruptive regional ramifications, do not seem to have a

direct bearing on the interests of outside Powers; fourthly, the manipulation

of cherished human ideals in the field of human rights for short-sighted,

ulterior political motives.

Undoubtedly, a fair, objective and non-selective approach by the United

Nations to international issues and crises will help to ensure that the

Organization can play an effective role in the future and, away from the

peddling of big-Power influence, put it in the unique position of being able

to act as the centre for concerted international cooperation.

At this point I must express to Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali our

appreciation for his efforts to make the Organization more efficient and to

enhance its role in the resolution of chronic and new international problems.

The Islamic Republic of Iran has studied with care and keen interest the

Secretary-General's report of 17 June 1992, entitled "An Agenda for Peace".

It is our considered view that the report deals with a wide range of

theoretical and practical issues issues that are very sensitive and merit

the General Assembly's careful and in-depth scrutiny.

It is incumbent on the General Assembly, as the only universal organ of

the United Nations, to formulate and adopt the Organization's future work.

Such an endeavour, within the framework of the Charter and based on full

respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence

of Member States and on non-interference in their internal affairs, will

certainly contribute to refinement of the concepts and suggestions embodied in

the Secretary-General's report, and this will help him to discharge his

duties. My delegation is willing to participate actively in a special working

group of the General Assembly on this matter.

Among the most sensitive issues dealt with in the Secretary-General's

report is the active role of the Security Council in the new international

environment. The Security Council, in accordance with the United Nations

Charter, bears primary responsibility for the maintenance of international

peace and security, but, in the discharge of its responsibilities, the Council

does not have unfounded authority. By definition, it must fine-tune its

decisions and actions with the principles and objectives of the Charter and of

international law. Discriminatory treatment of issues pertaining to

international peace and security, the overstepping of mandated authority and

misuse of the privileges accorded to the members of the Council the

permanent members in particular are among the practices that tarnish the

Council's image and undermine its stature and credibility and, in the final

analysis, that of the United Nations. A thorough and vigorous study and

formulation of well-defined guidelines will help the Council to adopt an

objective and non-discriminationary approach, within a specific framework and

specific terms of reference, to various issues of international peace and

security. I must emphasize that the preservation of international peace and

security is a responsibility entrusted to the Security Council by the

international community. That being the case, the Council, in accordance with

the Charter, is accountable to that community, which is represented by the

General Assembly.

The existing international exigencies make especially necessary the

strengthening of global efforts to facilitate the overall process of

disarmament and arms control - in particular, the elimination of weapons of

mass destruction. To this end, reappraisal of the military doctrines of the

big Powers in consonance with the new international situation, a change in

attitudes of domination, and rejection of resort to force as a means of

promoting political objectives constitute the primary prerequisite for the

success of all disarmament and arms-control schemes.

The preparation of a draft convention on the prohibition of the

production, development, stockpiling and use of chemical weapons represents a

significant step in the history of arms control. Undoubtedly, this convention

crystallizes many years' difficult, even tedious, negotiations between the

members of the Conference on Disarmament. Notwithstanding this obvious fact,

the convention - on the one hand, because the Conference on Disarmament acts

on the basis of consensus and, on the other, owing to the supremacy of

political exigencies throughout the process, but especially during the latter

stages - cannot be regarded as a document that reflects the principled views

and positions of all members of the Conference on Disarmament. This is

particularly true in respect of the composition of the executive council,

which, in our view, lacks balance and proportion. Furthermore, if the

convention on chemical weapons is to become universal the developed countries

will have to provide for the transfer of chemical technology, materials and

equipment for peaceful purposes, and the existing unilateral discriminatory

and ad hoc restrictions will have to be removed.

In the field of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, the

non-proliferation Treaty can indeed acquire a universal character and play an

effective and efficient role in preventing the vertical and horizontal

proliferation of nuclear weapons, provided that the nuclear-weapon States

fulfil their obligations in accordance with article VI of the Treaty.

It is highly desirable that the next millennium be nuclear-free, but the

achievement of that objective depends upon the following: an undertaking by

all nuclear-weapon States to destroy all nuclear weapons in their territory or

under their jurisdiction or control; a new pledge by all States not to acquire

or proliferate nuclear weapons and not to add to their existing stocks; and a

genuine commitment to enhanced cooperation in technology for the peaceful use

of nuclear energy.

Further regional endeavours in the field of arms control, regional

disarmament and the establishment of zones free of weapons of mass destruction

can complement international efforts towards the prohibition of such weapons

and can contribute to the alleviation of the international community's concern

about the dangerous consequences of stockpiling armaments at the regional

level.

My country, as the initiator of the proposal for the establishment of a

nuclear-free zone in the Middle East, is fully prepared to participate

actively in any constructive and comprehensive initiative in this field. It

goes without saying, though, that the success of initiatives concerning arms

control and regional disarmament depends on heeding a number of considerations

such as the political and security characteristics of the regions in question,

participation of the regional countries in defining the principles and

objectives of the initiative, the concerns of the countries in the region

vis-a-vis threats from within and outside the region, including consequences

of the presence of foreign forces.

What seems more urgent and critical than regional disarmament is the

necessity and desirability of searching for a comprehensive and genuine

solution to regional conflicts, as an endemic and seemingly intractable source

of threat to international peace and security. Over and above the chronic

regional crises, recent developments at the international level have given

birth to a series of new crises in various regions, thus further accentuating

the need for a new sense of vigilance and vigorous endeavour on the part of

the international community to confront these threats.

In my brief survey of regional crises and conflicts, I cannot but begin

with what is closest to the hearts and minds of the Islamic world - that is,

Palestine. The legitimate uprising of the Palestinian people in the occupied

territories, as a form of resistance against occupation, expansionism, murder

and unbearable living conditions, is brutally suppressed. Alongside the

regular armed forces, armed Zionist settlers carry out on a daily and

continuing basis acts of murder and plunder, including confiscation of

Palestinian property. In addition to Palestine, parts of Syrian and Lebanese

territory are still under Zionist occupation and innocent people are killed or

abducted on a regular basis by these forces in South Lebanon.

The Islamic Republic of Iran calls on the international community to

confront the aggressive and repressive policies of the Zionists in a serious

and meaningful manner. The bitter experience of the past decades indicate,

however, that peace and tranquillity can be restored to the area only through

struggle, full restoration of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people

and establishment of an independent Palestinian state in the entire territory

of Palestine.

Another crisis which has endangered regional and global security over the

past year concerns the tragic situation in the Republic of Bosnia and

Herzegovina. The crimes perpetrated against the people in that young and

small Republic have few parallels in the post-Second-World-War era. The

aggression against the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political

independence of a Member of the United Nations and the simultaneous torture,

mass killings and policy of genocide and "ethnic cleansing", as pursued by

Serbia and its ultra-nationalist Serb agents with the objective of forming

"greater Serbia", have caused deep consternation throughout the world and

drawn condemnation from almost all quarters. Nevertheless, Serbia and its

agents continue to show utter disdain for the international community's

decisions, as reflected in numerous Security Council resolutions and General

Assembly resolution 46/242, continuing their crimes against the people of

Bosnia and Herzegovina, in particular the Muslim population, with a seeming

sense of immunity and impunity.

It is therefore incumbent upon the Security Council to adopt the

necessary measures provided for in Article 42 of the Charter to put an end to

the aggression and to restore the sovereignty, territorial integrity,

political independence and unity of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The Islamic Republic of Iran once again emphasizes the inherent right of the

Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina to self-defence in accordance with

Article 51 of the Charter and expects the Security Council to reconsider its

resolution on an arms embargo against Yugoslavia in order to enable the

Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina to exercise its inherent right to resist

aggression.

Moreover, I would like to emphasize that in the view of a large majority

of the Member States, including the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Socialist

Federal Republic of Yugoslavia no longer exists and the Federal Republic of

Yugoslavia - Serbia and Montenegro - has no right to occupy the seat of former

Yugoslavia in international forums. We strongly believe that the Assembly

should send a very clear and unambiguous signal to Belgrade, through the

expulsion of Serbia and Montenegro from all organs of the United Nations, that

to be a Member of the Organization it will be subject to all the criteria for

membership and will have to behave accordingly.

There are two other continuing crises in the immediate neighborhood of

the Islamic Republic of Iran to which my country cannot remain indifferent

because of humanitarian as well as national security considerations.

Expressing its satisfaction at the victory of the Muslim mujahidin of

Afghanistan and the establishment of an Islamic State, the Islamic Republic of

Iran welcomes the cessation of fratricidal bloodshed in its fraternal

neighbouring country. My country extends its support to the legitimate

Government of Afghanistan, stresses the imperative of non-interference of all

countries in the internal affairs of Afghanistan, and once again draws the

attention of the international community to the pressing humanitarian needs of

the war-stricken Afghan people. For our part, we have made endeavours in this

direction and underline our readiness to cooperate with other countries as

well as international organizations in the provision of food, medicine and

other essential needs as well as in the reconstruction of Afghanistan.

In regard to the Nogorno-Karabakh region, the Islamic Republic of Iran

from the very outset expressed its concern at the continuation and expansion

of the conflict and exerted every effort to bring the fighting to an end; this

resulted in the establishment of a cease-fire and commencement of negotiations

between the Republics of Azerbaijan and Armenia. It is a matter of deep

regret that owing to the reticence of the international community - and

particularly that of the Security Council the opportunity of propitious

situation which existed at that time and which could have been further

solidified through the dispatching of international observers was lost and

bloodshed flared up and has continued. In our view, the Karabakh crisis can

be resolved only through negotiations and on the basis of mutual respect and

non-interference as well as the preservation of the sovereignty and

territorial integrity of the two countries.

The approach of the Islamic Republic of Iran to these two crises and the

efforts undertaken in regard to them emanate from our overall policy towards

neighbouring countries, which is based on the promotion and consolidation of

good-neighbourly relations, expansion of economic, cultural and scientific

cooperation, and fostering of regional confidence. For we believe that

security in our region is attainable only through cooperation. As early as

1986 the Islamic Republic of Iran, on the basis of this policy, underlined the

imperative need for the creation of a regional security and cooperation

arrangement in the Persian Gulf area. In the General Assembly last year I

enumerated the principles and objectives of such regional cooperation

principles and objectives that continue to govern our approach to this

strategic region. The relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the

newly established Republics along our northern borders are based on the same

principles, namely, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity,

inviolability of international borders, non-resort to force in the settlement

of disputes, non-interference in internal affairs, and dialogue and mutual

understanding.

Cognizant of the fact that the newly established republics of Central

Asia and the Caucasus are now undergoing the difficult and tumultuous stage of

state-building, establishment and consolidation of democratic institutions and

economic stabilization and development, and with a view to the primacy of

promotion of good-neighbourly relations and fostering of mutual confidence

between the countries of this region, the Islamic Republic of Iran has taken

the lead in the sphere of expanding bilateral as well as multilateral ties

with these countries. We, along with our regional partners - Turkey and

Pakistan have welcomed the Republics of Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan,

Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan into the Economic

Cooperation Organization (ECO).

We also pioneered the formation of the Organization of the Countries of

the Caspian Sea Basin, along with the Russian Federation, Azerbaijan,

Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan.

In the bilateral field, the foundations of political, cultural and

economic cooperation, particularly in the areas of transportation and energy,

have been laid with the newly established republics of the former USSR. That

approach by the Islamic Republic of Iran is founded on the conviction that the

expansion of bilateral and multilateral relations among countries of the

region is bound to contribute to stability, security and development for all.

In today's world instability does not emanate solely from regional crises

or military conflicts. Economic and environmental problems too threaten

international peace and security. Continued further exacerbation of economic

difficulties in most third-world countries in the context, and as a result, of

the ever-widening gap between the North and the South is perhaps the most

serious and most explosive danger threatening the international community.

As stated clearly in the World Economic Survey for 1992, world economic

output has decreased for the first time since the Second World War;

international trade is also plagued with myriad difficulties. Under these

difficult circumstances, many developing countries are still grappling with

the problems resulting from the economic recession of the 1980s and its

socio-political consequences. Worse still, a decreased flow of financial

resources to developing countries has made the prospects for recovery and

economic growth and development in those countries all the more uncertain.

Notwithstanding numerous problems, the recovery of the world economy is

not impossible to achieve. Its attainment, though, requires promotion of

international cooperation and coordination of economic policies, which feature

among the major purposes of the United Nations. To this end, the

International Development Strategy for the fourth United Nations Development

Decade, the Declaration adopted by the General Assembly at its eighteenth

special session, and Agenda 21 of the United Nations Conference on Environment

and Development, which reflect long and intensive negotiations and represent

international consensus on the objectives of development and environment,

constitute the necessary framework and basis of future measures.

Yet it is clear that in the absence of concerted international

cooperation proper economic conditions where all countries enjoy equal

opportunity for growth and development will remain unattainable. The United

Nations and its specialized agencies provide the most appropriate forum to

facilitate international cooperation with the objective of alleviating world

economic problems, especially those of the developing countries, thus

preventing what otherwise seems an inevitable confrontation between North and

South.

In conclusion, I would like to reiterate the imperative of intensifying

the activities of the United Nations in step with international developments,

with a view to achieving a higher degree of efficiency and effectiveness. In

this context, the Islamic Republic of Iran is of the view that revitalization

of the General Assembly should be pursued in earnest, and that effective

measures to augment the efficiency, and thus the practical relevance, of the

Assembly should be adopted.

The decision of the recent non-aligned summit to convene a high-level

working group to study ways and means of increasing the effectiveness of the

United Nations represents a timely, logical and positive step, and can

certainly assist the United Nations in that purpose. The General Assembly, as

the sole universal, democratic and transparent organ of the United Nations,

with the competence entrusted to it by the Charter to address all

international issues and problems, should fully exercise its Charter-mandated

authority in practice. To that end, the General Assembly should guide other

organs of the United Nations on a constant and active basis, and take the

necessary decisions and make the appropriate recommendations for the

realization of common human ideals, most notably universal peace, security and

respect for human rights, and balanced prosperity and welfare.