Egypt, 1993

It

gives me pleasure to convey to you, Sir, and to your friendly

country my sincere congratulations on your election to the

presidency of the forty-eighth session of the General

Assembly. I wish you every success in carrying out your

responsibilities in light of the current developments and

changes in the international situation.

On this occasion, I should also like to pay tribute to

your predecessor, Mr. Stoyan Ganev, for the constructive

efforts he made and the positive role he played as the

President of the past session.

Since the end of the cold war, reference has been made

to a new age. The implications of this have given rise, not

only to hopes and aspirations, but also to caution and

apprehension. Although there was overall satisfaction that

the era of confrontation, the arms race and polarization had

come to an end, and while there was cause for hope that an

era of justice, cooperation and disarmament was about to

dawn, there has been grave concern over the great injustices

that we have witnessed in Bosnia; over the attempt at

political suicide in Somalia; over the illogical and irrational

wars in many parts of the world; and over the multiple

criteria used in addressing various problems.

Side by side with concern, there has been increasing

despair and frustration over the continued deterioration of

economic conditions in most developing countries,

particularly in Africa. It must be acknowledged, however,

that international developments, judged fairly and considered

closely, are still in flux, and that the world situation is still

dynamic. We truly hope that such dynamism is moving

towards the strengthening of the positive factors and the

rectification of the negative ones, in order that the political

outlook worldwide might change and that everyone might

embrace the new world order with satisfaction and a will to

participate rather than with despair and frustration.

Fortunately, this session begins amid increasing feelings

of optimism in view of the ongoing progress towards a just

solution to the question of Palestine and of the steady

progress towards a solution to the problem of South Africa.

At the Israeli-Palestinian level, a major step has been

taken through mutual recognition by Israel and the Palestine

Liberation Organization. This means mutual recognition by

the two peoples of each other and mutual acceptance of the

idea of coexistence with one another. This also opens the

door to serious and substantive negotiations which would

provide an unprecedented opportunity to achieve a just

settlement to the problem that has cast its shadow on the

Middle East - indeed, on the whole world - since the end of

the Second World War.

If what has been achieved represents the first step

towards such a settlement, it will undoubtedly lead to the

establishment of a positive relationship that would deal with

issues such as withdrawal, self-determination and refugees

until the historic and comprehensive settlement between

Israel, Palestine and the Arabs is finalized. This may be the

real meaning behind the statement of the Israeli Prime

Minister at the signing ceremony in Washington, D.C., when

he said: "Enough", and when he said that the time for peace

has come; and also of President Yasser Arafat’s statement

that the Palestine Liberation Organization has turned a new

leaf in its relations with Israel. And God bless the memory

of the late President Anwar El-Sadat, who said: "No more

wars".

Sixteen years ago, Egypt made a breakthrough towards

the outer reaches of the future and shook off the shackles of

the status quo by realizing that wars neither create peace nor

resolve conflicts and that only reason and dialogue provide

the effective means of tackling problems, no matter how

insurmountable or intractable they may seem. Peace was

therefore initiated by Egypt, a peace founded on the solid

foundation of respect for international legality and on the

resultant responsibilities in a balanced manner that ensures

justice for all.

The peace process initiated at the Madrid Conference

in October 1991 is now bearing fruit after unrelenting

efforts, and we are encouraged by the initial outcome we

Forty-eighth session - 27 September l993 11

saw recently on both the Palestinian-Israeli and the

Jordanian-Israeli tracks and look forward to similar results

on the Syrian and Lebanese tracks. Both countries rightly

call for complete withdrawal from their territories within a

context based objectively on the principle of land for peace.

In order to put an end to the legacy of wars and enmity,

Egypt, which has devoted a substantial part of its efforts to

Middle East issues, calls upon all the peoples of the region

to look to the future and to reflect upon our relations in the

period following the settlement of the conflict. It calls on

them to reflect upon the future of the region and its

development to ensure optimum utilization of the ample

expertise available and optimal investment of the rich human

resources at our disposal and of the valuable natural

resources with which it has been endowed.

Egypt calls on these peoples to reflect upon the most

suitable social contract for our region so that they might

maintain their respective unique, intrinsic characteristics and

achieve harmony and integration among the region’s

common elements, so that social and cultural stability may

prevail and the region may achieve comprehensive cultural

integration in a genuine era of comprehensive integral peace.

Finally, Egypt calls on the peoples of the region to

develop a system of relations based on equal security, the

non-use of force, a balance of armaments and the elimination

of all weapons of mass destruction in a context of

transparency and peaceful relations.

In the same vein, Egypt calls on all States in the

Middle East, and particularly on Israel, to accede to the

Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and to

take the necessary practical measures to prohibit and

renounce the possession, the use or the threat of use of

nuclear, chemical and biological weapons so that the Middle

East may become a zone free of these weapons as called for

in President Hosni Mubarak’s initiative of April 1990. We

consider this to be an indispensable prerequisite for security

and stability in the Middle East.

Side by side with the considerable optimism generated

by what has been achieved in the context of the Palestinian-

Israeli conflict, there has been progress in another area, that

for far too long has been a hotbed of serious historical and

international conflict, namely, the conflict in South Africa,

between a people calling for its rights to equality and

freedom and a regime that was based on repression and

apartheid. Egypt, an African state with an African people,

feels glad to see positive developments in South Africa, the

most important of which is the agreement on the formation

of a transitional Executive Council that would lead towards

democracy and equal rights. The Council consists of

representatives of majority as well as minority groups and

would work within a framework of cooperation, co-existence

and understanding. Despite the many obstacles and the great

challenges that still lie ahead, the start has been encouraging

and developments are promising. In this regard, we

recognize the role played by President De Klerk. We also

pay tribute to the role played by Nelson Mandela and his

companions across the political spectrum in South Africa in

turning a new leaf towards a common future.

The twenty-ninth African Summit Conference was held

in Cairo last June. It gave the countries of the continent an

opportunity to evaluate its progress on the thirtieth

anniversary of the establishment of the Organization of

African Unity (OAU). The meeting produced the Cairo

Declaration, which reflected the imposing record of the

struggle of the peoples of the African continent over the past

three decades. The Declaration also put forward the member

States’ vision for the future and their conception of the

manner in which they may adapt to the successive and quick

international changes in shaping their conditions and

relationships. The Cairo summit discussions established

many landmarks that would guide the direction of African

activities in the coming years. They noted the options

available to the continent and the challenges it has to face.

The continent has expressed its determination to eliminate

poverty, desertification and indebtedness and to initiate a

comprehensive development process for its countries and

peoples and to improve their economic and political

conditions.

Despite the numerous problems of Africa, the continent

has demonstrated that it is prepared to shoulder its

responsibilities in facing up to the challenges posed by those

problems. Most prominent among its decisions in this

regard was the decision to establish an African machinery

for resolving disputes. In that regard, the African States are

have set forth a new mode of international cooperation and

collaboration in shouldering responsibilities, notwithstanding

all the difficulties facing the continent because of its

continued low share in the world gross national product and

the increasing cost of debt servicing. Such a situation,

though restraining the continent’s endeavors and weakening

its capabilities, has not debilitated either its will or its

determination.

The Cairo Summit was an expression of a determined

attitude towards the indispensable need to make a number of

adjustments to African policies and plans. It showed that the

time has come to take the difficult decisions required to

bridge the gap between Africa and the developed world -

indeed, between Africa and many countries of the third

world itself.

Mention of Africa leads to a discussion of the

developments in the Horn of Africa. This is all the more

important owing to the fact that the developments and

interactions in the Horn of Africa are closely related to the

security of the Middle East and of Africa in general. Hence,

we welcome the independence of Eritrea and its accession to

membership of the United Nations. We also express our

deep regret at the situation in Somalia. In this regard, Egypt

is fully cooperating with the international community, which

has moved effectively to put an end to the famine that

beleaguered that country and to the armed conflicts that have

shaken its very existence. In the meantime, Egypt

sympathizes with the people of Somalia in their aspiration

after a secure future based on a national reconciliation that

will serve the interests and meets the aspirations of all the

Somali people and not merely the ambitions of a certain

leader or faction. As a result, immediately after being elected

Chairman of the Organization of African Unity, President

Hosni Mubarak, inspired by Egypt’s keen interest in the

implementation of Security Council resolutions on the

situation in Somalia, coordinated efforts with the Secretary-

General of the United Nations and the Secretary-General of

the OAU to create the climate that would make it possible

to achieve continued progress in the efforts designed to

enable that brotherly country to begin the reconstruction and

rehabilitation of its infrastructure and to permit its people -

torn by conflicts and dissension - to clear the debris of

discord and to reunite. That can be done only by helping

the Somali people to achieve a comprehensive national

reconciliation that would allow all its elements to express

their will freely, without any repression or apprehension and

without being blackmailed by power-seekers who instigate

policies of destruction and annihilation. This is a

responsibility that the Somali people, who fell prey to tribal

disputes and personal ambitions, must shoulder, and the time

has come to put an end to that situation from an exclusively

national perspective.

Moving from Somalia to Angola where the situation

has been aggravated by UNITA’s disregard for the will of

the majority of the people, expressed in free elections, Egypt

calls for absolute support for Security Council resolution 864

(1993) which was adopted under Chapter VII of the Charter,

and which condemned UNITA and urged all States to refrain

from providing any form of assistance to it until it respects

the provisions of the "Acordos de Paz" as well as the will of

the people of Angola and the resolutions of the United

Nations.

Africa’s problems are not confined to those of South

Africa, the Horn of Africa or Angola. They also extend to

numerous African States whether in the form of civil wars,

such as the one in Liberia, with its impact on its neighbours,

or in the form of internal political dissension, like that

prevalent in many African States at the present time, in

addition to all the development-related problems and the

pangs of democratization. Nevertheless, Africa is ready,

with determination and political will, to go beyond those

problems and to embrace the twenty-first century and, all

total confidence, steadfastness and determination, to be an

active partner in the formulation of the desired new

international order.

I began by reviewing some of the positive

developments in international relations that gave us reason

to look toward the future with hope. However, there have

been other recent developments in the world which give rise

to concerns and fears. Those developments have posed an

essential question among a number of thinkers: What kind

of a world order do we need, and would such an order,

whose foundations would be laid today, be an extension of

the past, with its notions and policies, but in some new form,

or would it be a mere reflection of the present with all its

imbalances, contradictions and double standards? Or, rather,

would it be a real and genuine development towards a future

that may take us into the twenty-first century?

Living in just peace and prevailing stability is the prime

demand, without which none of our aspirations will be

attained. Peace is not a passive or abstract concept. It is the

expression of the active and conscious will of all countries

and peoples, small or large, to manage the common life on

this planet, with all its peoples, entities and groupings,

according to commonly agreed principles, values and

guidelines.

Certain principles underlie our concept of living in

conditions of peace and security, the most important of

which are the following: first, respect and support for

international legality to maintain the reverence for and

predominance of the law we have all accepted; secondly, the

principle of equal rights and obligations to relieve frustrated

peoples and to encourage them to utilize their expertise and

efforts in joint and integrated action for the benefit of all.

All men are required to abide by the same rules in their

international relations and to have a balanced share in

regional and international responsibilities within a framework

that gives priority to public interest.

Thirdly, the same standard should be applied in judging

all cases that are similar in nature. The same provisions

should be applied on a universal basis without selectivity or

bias to ensure stability and security, reward compliance and

punish and deter those who breach the accepted norms of

international legality.

Fourthly, the principle of peace for all in the context of

corresponding and balanced commitments should be

respected.

Fifthly, the right to development should be respected

and joint assistance made to developing countries,

particularly to the least developed among them.

Respect for these principles constitutes direct and active

implementation of the rules of international legality. It also

represents a sincere response to the will of the international

community. Their violation would threaten our efforts to

agree on a more just and humane international order and

would greatly harm the credibility and progress of such

efforts.

I have to state here in all frankness that Muslim

communities, and many others, have witnessed the

manifestations of repression and bias in a number of

international policies. This has become apparent in the

hesitation and inconsistency witnessed in addressing the

question of Bosnia and certain other issues. There is no

doubt that a great deal of the suspicions of the Muslim

world could have been dispelled if the Bosnian problem had

been dealt with according to the established principles

enshrined in the United Nations Charter relating to

aggression, occupation, war crimes and crimes committed

against humanity. All of those crimes have been committed

against the people of Bosnia. This will not be forgotten by

those who have witnessed that tragedy unfolding under their

very eyes, day in and day out. Instead of addressing the

problem in accordance with the principles of the Charter, the

blockade has been tightened around the people of Bosnia and

all manner of procrastination and stalling has prevailed.

Egypt rejects this flagrant manipulation of the norms of

justice. Such manipulation rewards the aggressor for his

aggression. Egypt rejects this gross breach of human rights.

How can anyone justify this hesitation in the face of Serb

aggression against Bosnia on the part of the international

community that stood against Iraq’s Government when it

committed aggression against Kuwait? And if we approve

the demarcation of the Iraq-Kuwait border, why do we allow

the Serbs to expand at the expense of the Bosnian people

and their territorial rights?

The protraction of the Bosnian problem without a just

solution acceptable to its people weakens the credibility of

many international policies and developments. The only

positive development in this regard may be the establishment

of the International Tribunal for the prosecution of war

criminals who have practiced ethnic cleansing. These

prosecutions should target those who advocate or condone

such practices that bespeak cultural decadence and

criminality in those who perpetrate or advocate them.

The issue of human rights is one of the major questions

that face us. We in Egypt believe that the human rights

issue is universal both in content and nature. When we deal

with this issue in Egypt, we look at it through the

perspective of the cultural and historical heritage which is

part of our national identity. We view it through our

deep-rooted history extending through the millennia; through

our ancient Egyptian civilization; through our Islamic

civilization, which is deeply impressed upon our

consciousness; through our interaction with the

Mediterranean civilizations; and through the legacy of the

ages of renaissance and enlightenment in contemporary

Europe, which have had their effect on philosophy and

modern thought in Egypt.

The essence of this interlocking and integrated cultural

heritage is the assertion of the individual human being’s

value, recognition of his role in working for revival and

progress, and upholding his right to freedom of thought and

creativity in line with Islam’s sound principles which uphold

man’s personal and social freedom. Those principles

maintain a balance between rights and duties as well as

between the individual and society, so that neither may

encroach on the rights of the other and so that all may live

within a framework of a meticulously formulated social

contract.

As we see it, the main aim of human rights is to protect

the real interests of the individual, his family and his

homeland, as well as his fundamental, essential and genuine

right to live in safety and security. This is the primary right

from which all other rights should emanate. All these rights

must be protected from those who try to violate or deny

them through terrorism or intimidation. All communities of

the world are now in the same struggle against terroristic

practices, whether they emanate from racial chauvinism, the

14 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session

radical right, doctrines of "ethnic cleansing" or religious

fanaticism. All these doctrines follow practices that

constitute gross violations of human rights, and should be

defied.

In view of our firm stand in favour of safeguarding and

maintaining human rights - foremost of which is the right to

life and security - we are aware that real democracy is the

best guarantee of stability, security and social peace. All

political freedoms and rights, individual or collective, will

remain forever incomplete if they are not complemented by

economic, social and cultural rights. We believe that it is

not an overstatement to say that the right of the individual

and of the community to development and economic and

political progress is closely related with their political and

cultural rights in general. They reinforce each other and

neither can proceed on its own.

One of the challenges now facing us is the need to

demonstrate our collective ability to bring about a real

change in the world economic order that would transcend

narrow interests and considerations and rise to the level of

real world partnership in striving for sustainable

development for all and the protection of our common

environment. Such a challenge requires us frankly to

express our views concerning current international

developments that give cause for concern with regard to the

future.

The current world economic situation pivots on the

centrality of the decision-making process which remains in

the hands of the industrialized countries, with all that that

entails with regard to the economies of developing countries.

Furthermore, the current recession in the industrialized

countries is reflected directly in the depression and

increasing unemployment and poverty rates that plague the

developing countries.

This situation is exacerbated by the protectionist

measures put in place by rich countries in trying to face up

to their economic problems. Developing countries find

themselves helpless before such measures. They can only

plead and hope. And this takes place at a time when most

of the developing countries are in the throes of implementing

rigorous programmes of economic reform. As the

liberalization of trade constitutes a fundamental resource for

development in the case of the developing countries,

protectionism deprives those countries of the opportunity to

reap the fruits of their agonized efforts in the area of

economic reform and liberalization and severely hampers the

integration of their economies in the world economy.

So far, we find nothing in the Uruguay Round of

multilateral trade negotiations that augurs well for the future.

Today, the developing countries find themselves

marginalized by side deals in which they do not participate.

Such deals are characterized by ambiguity rather than

transparency. They jeopardize the interests of developing

countries. On the other hand, the developments of the last

two years have demonstrated that the international monetary

system is no better than the trade system. Conflicting goals

of monetary and macro-economic policies in industrialized

countries have led to a state of chaos in foreign exchange

markets, destabilizing the world economic order, with all

resultant adverse effects on developing economies.

The Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro was an important

milestone on the road of constructive dialogue between

North and South for a world partnership to counter the

dangers facing our planet. In spite of the meagre progress

that has been achieved in the implementation of the Rio

resolutions, we still perceive a marked difference between

the perspectives of the developed and the developing

countries. The developed countries focus mainly on the

symptoms of the crisis, which represent a major threat to

their life styles and their welfare, even though it was those

very countries which contributed to the deterioration of the

environment.

By contrast, many developing countries continue to

suffer from environmental pollution for which other

countries are largely responsible. In their attempt to solve

problems of debt, declining commodity prices and trade

barriers as well as the problems of sustainable development

and the requirements for environmental protection,

Governments found that they were facing a real impasse

leading to low productivity and declining growth rates which

in turn led to more poverty.

In the long run, the divergence between these two

perspectives may hinder comprehensive world action to deal

with the world environmental crisis. In order to surmount

this dilemma, all parties are called upon to shoulder their

responsibility for lending credibility to and promoting the

acceptance of the slogans of interdependence and world

partnership.

In this regard, it is important to address an integral

aspect of the equation for achieving development and

preserving the environment: the population problem, which

threatens both sides of that equation. We are all aware of

the extent of this problem, which completely absorbs the

yields of development and will ensure the continued

destruction of the environment.

The International Conference on Population and

Development, which Cairo will host in September 1994,

represents an opportune occasion for the international

community to address population issues from the appropriate

developmental perspective and from the perspective of their

relationship to issues of economic and social development.

We in Egypt, as the host country, shall exert every

effort to ensure the success of this important conference, and

we are confident that its outcome will represent a sound

context for international cooperation in the field of

population and development.

Our discussion of the conditions and circumstances of

the Third World leads us to a broader and more

comprehensive discussion of the political movements and

groupings with which the various developing countries are

associated, despite their different orientations and stages of

development. It is high time for us to stop and ask

ourselves what these groupings have achieved and what can

be done to further their legitimate goals. We need to reflect

on this issue in a frank, constructive and objective manner.

It has become apparent that the challenges facing the

developing countries have changed substantially. We are on

the threshold of new international conditions and challenges

which have different economic, political and security effects.

In Egypt, we have already begun to study this issue,

taking into consideration the positive and the negative effects

of the past decades at the political, economic and social

levels in the Third World, and the implications for changing

priorities and areas of concern. We have come to the

following conclusions:

Firstly, the so-called Third World represents the

majority of the world population and the majority of world

countries. It has the major share in the production of

primary commodities, and it has vast market potential. This

Third World is fully entitled to be a full-fledged partner in

the ongoing restructuring process at the world level.

Secondly, in order to be able to do so, the Third World

has to mould a political collective will, and this can only be

achieved through democratic open discussion between its

States.

Thirdly, this, in turn, can only be achieved through the

establishment of a political system or movement that would

include all these States.

Fourthly, the ultimate aim should be dialogue,

negotiation and partnership within a framework of

cooperation, collaboration and integration, rather than

confrontation or conflict.

Today, I propose that the developing countries embark

on a dialogue aimed at establishing a grouping for the Third

World, a grouping within which the developing countries

would deal with the political, economic and social aspects of

various world issues, a grouping to coordinate their

positions and shape their contribution towards the laying of

the foundations of the new world order which we hope will

prevail during the 21st century.

The developments we have just reviewed, and the

successive changes we are witnessing, strengthen Egypt’s

belief in the pivotal role of the United Nations in managing

international relations in line with the principles and

provisions of its Charter.

Egypt attaches great importance to increasing the

effectiveness of the United Nations and preserving its

credibility. We are aware of the nature and number of the

challenges that face the international Organization, perhaps

for the first time. These urgent challenges were suddenly

pushed to the surface of international relations by historical

developments that were never imagined by the founding

fathers or the drafters of the Charter. We all agree that the

momentum that characterized the past few years was so

pressing and rapid that there should be a comprehensive

review of the United Nations mechanisms and structure, if

we are serious in our effort to adjust the international will to

the facts of our age, and if we are eager to maintain the

credibility and effectiveness of the United Nations.

In this connection, and with reference to the envisaged

structural changes, I would like to state that Egypt, as one of

the States which took part in the formulation of the Charter,

and as one of the founding states of the Organization, is

mainly concerned with the continued presence of the United

Nations and its principles, message, prestige and credibility

to serve the causes of international peace and security

without interruption.

Needless to say, the burdens of the United Nations in

the post-cold war era are far greater than they were during

the cold war itself. If the collective will of the international

community agrees to make structural changes in the

membership of the Security Council, for example, Egypt -

which is undertaking an effective role within the

international order in the formulation of regional and

international relations and in establishing the concepts and

principles on which we all agree, in addition to its

participation in numerous peace-keeping operations on

several continents - has the right and the potential to

contribute in a responsible manner to the proposed

institutional restructuring of the United Nations. Egypt has

the desire and determination to take part both in the process

itself and in setting the standards and values to be used in

the process. Egypt believes that it has now gained the

requisite standing to be included within the framework of the

ongoing discussion and within the new membership.

We must open the doors to a better future in whose

creation all of us will participate to achieve the 21st century

world for which we hope. This is the time for collective

formulation of a new solid and stable world order. This is

the great challenge that faces us all at a time of

unprecedented opportunity.