Egypt, 1994

Mr. President, at the outset, I should like to extend to you,

brother Minister Amara Essy our congratulations on your

election to the presidency of the General Assembly. Allow

me also to extend through you our congratulations to the

sisterly country Côte d’Ivoire, with which Egypt enjoys

bonds of friendship and cooperation. I take this opportunity

also to commend your predecessor, Ambassador Insanally,

the representative of Guyana.

I would be remiss if I did not pay special tribute to

Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who is conducting with his

well-known acumen and ability the work of this

Organization amid turbulent political waves and rapid

international changes, and in the face of rising expectations

regarding the role that the United Nations could play in the

world of today and tomorrow.

As we know, earlier this month, the International

Conference on Population and Development was held in

Cairo. We in Egypt are greatly satisfied that the

Conference concluded with a Programme of Action that

deals with population questions from their cultural and

development perspectives, on the basis of a profound

understanding of the various dimensions of this problem.

Undoubtedly, the clamour that accompanied that

Conference was justified. Quite rightly, some have called

attention to the fact that as the cultures of various nations

differ from each other, there is no justification whatsoever

to the imposition on any nation of a way of life it does

not approve of, a way of thinking it does not palate or

practices which it does not accept. On top of all that,

there is the need to respect all religions, and to take into

account the virtues they preach and the guidelines they

embody for the conduct of individuals and nations.

It might be important in this connection to refer to

the consecutive conferences that have been held in the

1990s to deal with the social aspects of development. We

believe that henceforth, the attention of developing

countries and of all other societies should be focused on

dealing with these aspects. This is what all peoples of

the world have aspired after throughout the long years of

international conflict which led to social and economic

convulsions that resulted in backwardness, misery and

untold suffering for millions of people.

While we emphasize our interest in this approach

that relates to social development and its global character,

we also believe that the role of the United Nations therein

is highly significant. Undoubtedly, the United Nations

sponsorship of international conferences to this end

consolidates its role in shaping the world of tomorrow,

which must be a world of equitable development,

collective security and social stability.

I have made a point of beginning my statement by

addressing the social dimension, in order to underline a

new tendency and a renewed awareness of this significant

aspect of international life. I call upon all countries to

accord that aspect the high priority it has denied for

decades, during the cold war with its international

conflicts that impacted negatively, not only on the social

agenda, but also on international action in that respect and

beclouded people’s awareness of its significance and

effects.

During the forty-seventh session of the General

Assembly, Egypt called for a new international social

17

contract, to be formulated by all the world cultures and

societies, so that it may act as a safety valve for the

international community both now and in future.

Realization of this vision will require, first and foremost,

the creation of an appropriate international social

environment, that would be inspired by the specific and

distinctive characteristics of all societies and that would

enrich the heritage of mankind. This could be done only

through awareness of and respect for the integration and

interaction of cultures.

Proceeding from its awareness of the movement of

history, Egypt was the first to sow the seeds of peace in the

Middle East. Today, Egypt is determined to continue to

assist all parties to overcome the obstacles that impede

negotiations, and to lay the foundations of new, just and

secure conditions in the Middle East.

You may recall that last year, on behalf of my

country, I called on the Governments and peoples of the

Middle East to reflect on the future of our relations after

the settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict. My call was

based on the deep-seated Egyptian conviction that the only

guarantee of a durable and stable peace in the Middle East

is organically linked to the extent of the parties’ success in

working out and laying the foundations of a new

relationship between the countries of the region that would

be based on a threefold foundation of political settlement,

socio-economic development, and regional security and

arms control.

In dealing with our vision of a new Middle East, I am

going to deal with each of those underpinnings in a context

that has to do with the creation of a new situation which

would allow all the creative energies of the region to be

unleashed in a climate of security, stability and confidence

in the future.

I speak first of political settlement. Last year, we met

here a few days after the signing of the historic agreement

between President Arafat and Prime Minister Rabin in

September 1993. Under that agreement, the Israeli and

Palestinian parties mutually recognized each other and

agreed on a Declaration of Principles regarding the

arrangements of interim self-government. The wave of

optimism that was generated at the time was tempered by

the customary caution which lasted until an agreement

enforcing the Declaration of Principles was signed in Cairo

on 4 May 1994. That agreement constituted a significant

step on the long road of peace towards the exercise by the

Palestinian people of their legitimate national rights.

The sight of the Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat

entering Gaza on 1 July 1994 has thus epitomized the

long history of the Palestinian people’s sacrifices and

steadfastness, with which they gained the support and

sympathy of all peace- and justice-loving peoples

everywhere. President Arafat’s return was the first

dividend of the peace option that heightened international

respect for the Palestinian people’s responsible position

and courageous decision at this historical and crucial

juncture in their long struggle.

Allow me to pay tribute from this rostrum to the

advocates of peace, on both the Palestinian and the Israeli

sides. At the same time, I call upon both sides to

continue to tend the shoot of peace until it becomes

stronger and more deeply rooted. Moreover, I call for the

expeditious adoption of new concrete measures that would

assure the Palestinian people in the occupied West Bank

that the peace dividends will embrace all the Palestinian

territories occupied since 1967.

One of the most important of such measures is the

alleviation of the burden of occupation and mitigation of

the daily suffering of the Palestinian people. The

organization of Palestinian elections in all the Palestinian

territories would enable them to move from the first step

of self-government in Gaza and Jericho towards the

exercise of their full political rights, in the framework of

self-determination that is the appropriate and genuine

resolution of this conflict. Moreover, I appeal to both

sides, in equally strong terms, to confront all acts of

violence and practices of terrorism firmly and persistently

to ensure safety for all and guarantee that peace will have

the upper hand.

Egypt has commended the progress achieved on the

Jordanian-Israeli track. The 25 July 1994 agreement to

put an end to the state of war between the two countries

is a positive landmark on the road to peace. Egypt

welcomes this significant step and is confident that the

rising momentum will soon help achieve tangible progress

on the Syrian and Lebanese tracks, based on full

withdrawal from the occupied territories of both countries.

Secondly, I wish to speak of economic development.

Scrutiny of the Middle East situation makes it clear that

there is an organic link between peace and development

in that region, whose peace and security are pivotal to the

world’s peace and security. The laying of the

groundwork for the social and economic development of

the countries of that region is a necessary step, without

which peace will remain meaningless and pointless. At

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the same time, the process of development can be

successful only within the context of balanced and well-

planned strategies that take into account the interests of all

parties. In this regard, hopes are high and prospects are

spacious enough. Nevertheless there is no room in all this

for the domination by one economy of another. The

Middle East can accommodate a comprehensive process of

the production and marketing of all that each country of the

region can excel in.

Egypt, which is undergoing at present a stage of

radical economic reform that aims at ensuring for its trade,

industry and private sector a significant breakthrough, is

qualified to play a leading role in the economic

development of the region. This should enhance the image

of the Middle East as a region that attracts increasing

tourism, flourishing trade and thriving investment, side by

side with an advanced productive capacity. We nominate

the Middle East to be the cradle of new economic giants.

Egypt does not seek opportunities of rapid gains, but

rather an advanced economic framework that would

contribute significantly to changing the climate of the

Middle East and reshaping the region’s ability to contribute

to the interactions of the developed world economy.

Thirdly, I speak of regional security and arms control.

Comprehensive peace, in its wider sense, will never be

upheld in the Middle East unless we change our old

perceptions. These were the products of years of wars and

enmity that engendered the belief that security could be

assured only through the acquisition and stockpiling of

weapons of mass destruction. This regional arms race, that

plagued the region and accelerated in a climate of mutual

suspicion and hostility, must be tamed in order that we may

adapt to the new realities prevailing in the region. Egypt

believes that peace in the Middle East must be strengthened

by taking arms-control measures, of which the first would

be a reduction of the levels of armaments.

The region’s experience has shown that a higher level

of quantitative or qualitative armament, in the case of any

country has never deterred aggression nor guaranteed

security. If such experience is reason enough for

reassessing our policies in this respect, the political

achievements which have put us squarely on the road to

peace make us question the wisdom of escalating armament

under conditions of peace.

If the first prerequisite is arms reduction, the second

is the achievement of a better security balance amongst the

countries of the region. The emergence of a new more

stable Middle East will never take place unless we

renounce the concepts of military superiority and agree to

rid the region of the weapons of mass destruction. The

persistence of such concepts can only jeopardize the

existent possibility of creating a new and different Middle

East. Any disruption of the security balance in the

region, is bound to generate suspicions that may cause the

region to slide once again into competition, escalation,

dispute, conflict and confrontation.

If we are seeking normal relations between the

parties, we have to ensure the co-equality of the

obligations of all countries in the region. It is

unacceptable that one party, to the exclusion of all others,

should be accorded a special exceptional status. Unless

this is addressed, serious cracks will develop in the

foundations we are laying which may deepen and widen,

and undermine the whole edifice.

Proceeding from this, the Egyptian initiative

launched by President Mubarak in April 1990, in which

he proposed that the Middle East should be declared a

zone free of weapons of mass destruction, was

commensurate with the concepts of the new international

era at the regional level and came as a natural extension

of Egypt’s 1974 initiative to declare the Middle East a

nuclear-weapons-free zone.

In this regard, Egypt strongly urges all countries of

the region to accede to the Treaty on the Non-

Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and accept the

application of the safeguards regime of the International

Atomic Energy Agency. This, if it takes place, will be a

major step towards peace and reconciliation in the Middle

East that would safeguard against any setbacks in future

regional relations. Egypt attaches great importance to

Israel’s rapid undertaking of this step as we approach the

date of the Conference for the Review and Extension of

the non-proliferation Treaty in 1995. Otherwise, the

extension of this Treaty, which aims at halting nuclear

proliferation, would lead to the consecration of an adverse

reality that is neither balanced nor proper and which runs

counter to the principle of universality. We would find

the persistence of such an exceptional situation strange

and unacceptable.

Egypt takes this opportunity to urge Israel to respond

positively to this extremely earnest call which safeguards

the region against the evils of an unnecessary arms race.

It is a step that would help strengthen regional security.

In this era of peace, we should rethink our priorities and

view the prerequisites of security from a different point

19

of view based on the new relations of peace instead of from

considerations which had the upper hand at a time of

regional conflicts. Israel should also conform to, rather

than depart from, the international way of thinking that

calls for universal adherence to the non-proliferation Treaty.

We adamantly insist on this in order to avoid a race in this

dangerous field.

While discussing issues of general concern to our world

and its problems, I must also refer specifically to the

prevailing situations in our region that create turbulence,

problems, hopes and pain. Brotherly Yemen is healing its

wounds after discord and strife. We are hopeful that

sufficient patience will be demonstrated to bring about

national reconciliation in accordance with the values of the

Yemeni people and in such a way as to ensure their

continued march towards development and prosperity.

In Iraq, the brotherly Iraqi people remain in the grip

of the tragedy that befell them and we look forward with

them to the day when their suffering will come to an end.

This would require the Government of Iraq to respond to

the demands of international legality and the unambiguous

and formal recognition of the identity of Kuwait, its

sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence.

While addressing the issues of the Middle East, we

call on Iran to extend good-neighbourliness to its Arab

brethren. In this regard, serious work is needed to resolve

the problem of the occupied Arab islands in the Gulf. This

would represent a positive indication that relations in the

region can be conducted on the basis of a positive dialogue

dealing with the political tendencies that are a source of

concern in various parts of the region.

I turn now to Egypt’s closest neighbours in the region.

In this connection, I may say that the people and

Government of Libya have now the clear political will to

put an end to the Libyan-Western crisis concerning

Lockerbie by putting the accused on trial and attempting to

reach practical solutions for the implementation of the

relevant Security Council resolutions. An objective view of

the problem confirms the importance of respecting

international legality since the trial of persons accused of an

international crime is a necessity and the more

expeditiously it takes place the better it is for the process of

justice.

Similarly, in addressing the issues pertaining to its

neighbours, we must also mention Sudan, with which we

have had very special ties since the dawn of history.

Today, Sudan is suffering from a challenge to its

sovereignty in the south as well as an impediment to the

development and prosperity of its people. In both

instances, Egypt stands firmly and clearly in support of

the unity and territorial integrity of Sudan. We cannot

accept its fragmentation or division. With the same

strength and clarity, Egypt supports the right of the

Sudanese people to a tranquil and stable life that would

afford them the opportunity to look to the future. In this

framework, Sudan has a well-known history of tolerance

and cordial relations amongst its people and with all its

neighbours and brethren. There is no doubt that Sudan’s

implementation of policies in this direction would ensure

a change in the strained relations in that region.

During Egypt’s chairmanship of the Organization of

African Unity, which expired in June, the African

continent witnessed a number of important achievements,

the most important of which was the success of the

organization in creating a mechanism for the prevention,

management and resolution of African conflicts. This is

a development that contributes to the international efforts

deployed in that area. It also complements the role of the

United Nations within the framework of the principles

and objectives of the Charter.

Over the same period, Africa has also witnessed the

entry into force of the convention establishing the African

Economic Community. This represents a significant step

by the African continent towards the realization of

economic integration, which will enable it to deal with the

new international economic realities and to face up to the

potential consequences of international economic

developments that may not be entirely in the interests of

the African States. Moreover, we in Africa are currently

studying, in all earnestness, the social and economic

situation in the continent. We are fully aware of the high

priority of this problem to Africa’s present and future

generations. This will be the subject of a special meeting

of African foreign ministers soon to be held in Cairo.

The African continent’s share of human tragedies

has been abundant enough, as demonstrated by the

horrendous events in Somalia, Burundi and Rwanda.

While Africa reaffirms its principal responsibility to deal

with such sorrowful events by providing the necessary

troops to undertake peace-keeping and peace-building

operations, experience has shown that the humanitarian,

political and economic dimensions of such events require

a positive contribution by the entire international

community, primarily within the context of the United

Nations. Such contribution has been forthcoming and

represents a unique international and regional solidarity.

20

As regards Somalia, the tragedy is still unfolding,

despite strenuous African and international efforts to

achieve national reconciliation between the warring Somali

factions. The crisis remains elusive owing to tribal rivalries

and self-centered interests. The persistence of this situation

has further frustrated the international community, to the

extent that a number of States have decided to withdraw

their troops from the peace-keeping operation or to call for

the complete termination of the United Nations Operation

in Somalia.

We are fully aware of the motives that have led to

such decisions and proposals, and we emphasize that the

responsibility for putting an end to the current deteriorating

situation in Somalia and for reaching a solution to the crisis

rests essentially with the leaders of the warring factions.

We are of the view that it is unacceptable and unwarranted

that the major Powers should impose a certain solution or

a particular leader in Somalia. At the same

time, we cannot wash our hands of this problem. There is

still an obligation on the part of the United Nations, the

Organization of African Unity and the League of Arab

States to assist in achieving a just settlement to the crisis.

From Somalia we turn to Angola, in which recent

developments indicate a glimmer of hope that a final and

peaceful solution may be close at hand. Egypt welcomes

the official acceptance by the Government of Angola of the

proposals concerning national reconciliation. We call for

the intensification of efforts to achieve peace in order that

the Lusaka Conference may succeed and for the full

implementation of the peace agreement, as well as Security

Council resolutions 864 (1993) and 932 (1994). We also

strongly urge UNITA to show its goodwill by negotiating

constructively to reach a peace agreement without delay.

It was our hope that a just solution to the Bosnian

crisis would be found before the commencement of this

session. Unfortunately, the painful reality is that the crisis

is still with us. While we accept the position of the

Contact Group in its proposal of the peace plan which has

been accepted by the Bosnian Government regardless of its

shortcomings, yet we demand the most basic level of

rationality and justice in managing this crisis. Frankly

speaking, we believe that lifting or easing the sanctions

imposed on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia - Serbia

and Montenegro - without deploying credible and capable

international observers along its borders with Bosnia and

Herzegovina or securing its recognition of Bosnia as a

sovereign State amounts to a negative development that is

bound to hinder a just settlement, that bespeaks

acquiescence in considerations that run counter to the norms

of justice and is tantamount to surrender to the policies of

aggression and racism.

A few days ago, the Security Council adopted a

rather hasty resolution easing the sanctions imposed on

the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia - Serbia and

Montenegro. It would have been more useful if the

Council had given priority to a review of the extent of the

implementation of its many previous resolutions, adopted

under Chapter VII of the Charter. Those resolutions

contain provisions and requirements that should have been

implemented prior to any consideration of the easing or

reviewing of sanctions.

The rules of international justice should not be

twisted to reward the aggressor for mere promises that

lack credibility or effectiveness. Moreover, the

effectiveness of the observers currently deployed on the

Bosnian-Yugoslav border is highly questionable. Indeed,

in our view, they are ineffective and insufficient.

Egypt, as a country contributing troops to the United

Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR), reiterates that

the purpose of the presence of these troops is to provide

genuine protection for those areas until such time as the

Bosnian armed forces would be in a position to undertake

the task of defending their territory.

The withdrawal of UNPROFOR while the power

vacuum continues - an idea that is being floated - would

be a further step towards handing the protected areas to

the aggressors, who have the necessary power to control

them. This would certainly have negative implications for

international relations as a whole.

We are at a unique juncture in history: our

generation has been afforded an opportunity to lay the

foundations of a new era. Today, as we approach the

fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations, we feel that all

nations, industrial and developing alike, must contribute

to the development of a common vision of the new world

order - a vision that will consolidate the foundations of

our common future on the principles of democracy,

humanity and equality, arrived at through consensus by all

members of the international community.

We wish to make it clear that any attempt to

marginalize the role of the developing countries in

formulating the global vision for the coming era would

involve the risk of drawing new lines of confrontation in

place of those that existed during the cold war. Those

new lines of confrontation would be ruled by economic

21

and developmental criteria and considerations that may ring

down a curtain thick enough to separate the North from the

South, deepen disagreement between them, and give rise to

a situation inconsistent with the interdependence and

cohesion of the present era. In this connection, I refer to

demands of the developing countries voiced during the

meeting held in Cairo this summer under the umbrella of

the Non-Aligned Movement.

The celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the

United Nations coincides with the flagging of initiatives and

proposals for the restructuring of the Organization’s

mechanisms. Such efforts will never rise to the level of

expectations unless they are preceded by an effort to reform

our thinking, to bring it into line with the changes in the

international situation and thereby to translate the new

collective vision into a concrete programme of action that

would be based on genuine consensus and that would afford

us a real opportunity to ensure the stability of international

relations.

In this context, it is needless to point out that such a

process of thought reform as the one I have just referred to

must impact on our efforts as we embark on the process of

restructuring the United Nations and, in particular, of

reforming the Security Council with its extensive

competence.

We must emphasize several points regarding the

process of reforming the work of the Security Council.

First, it must be carried out on a regional basis, not on a

specific-country basis. Secondly, the new seats - and there

may be two additional ones each for Latin America, Asia

and Africa - must be allocated on the basis of the criteria

stipulated in the Charter. Thirdly, it is not essential at this

stage to specify the two States from each region that are to

occupy the additional seats. The principle of rotation could

be applied to several States satisfying the criteria agreed

upon, taking into account the specific characteristics of each

region. Fourthly, agreement must be reached

simultaneously on a number of issues concerning reform of

the Council’s working methods and procedures and the

need to increase its transparency. Fifthly, the framework

within which the right of veto is used should be reviewed

and defined.

We should not pursue our work in this regard under

pressure of time or on the assumption that consideration of

the matter must be concluded by the time designated for the

celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations.

Finally, it must be emphasized that rational

restructuring is infinitely preferable to what might result

from a hasty decision that may please some States, upset

the overwhelming majority of States that suffer from lack

of representation in the Security Council and put the

Council itself in a position of extreme lack of credibility.

In this regard, I wish to state that a number of

countries are eligible for membership of the Security

Council in accordance with the criteria to which I have

referred. One of those countries is Egypt, which has

made significant contributions to the maintenance of

international peace and security in all the political,

economic and social fields, and which continues to

contribute to the cause of peace and prosperity at the

regional level and in the context of its various affiliations.

Economic clout has become the principal tool of

competition and the determining factor in the distribution

of power and influence on the political and economic map

of the globe. At the same time, social development has

become a goal which we all pursue and technological

development has become a prerequisite of economic

progress and social advancement. It is a challenge that

must be faced by those who aspire to progress and

development.

Recent international developments have highlighted

the strong link between peace, stability and development.

Global stability cannot be achieved without balanced and

sustainable development. The existing structural

imbalances in international economic relations will

continue to cause the social turmoil and conflicts that turn

under our eyes to disputes which threaten international

peace and security.

On its new journey - starting in New York, moving

on to Rio de Janeiro and Vienna, passing through Cairo

to be continued in Copenhagen and Beijing - the United

Nations has proved that it remains the global umbrella

under which different ideas and positions interact.

We call on the United Nations not only to contribute

to but to lead the process of formulating the new concepts

and ideas required to lay the foundations of the new

international order and the relations between the North

and the South, particularly in the area of social

development. This requires an overall process of

rationalization, as indicated by the Secretary-General. In

22

his current report on the work of the Organization he refers

to

"the common misperception of the United Nations as

an organization dedicated primarily to peace-keeping."

(A/49/1, para. 1)

He states that economic and social questions should be at

the forefront of United Nations efforts. That is what should

happen.