Egypt, 1982

It gave me great pleasure to see Mr. Imre Hollai

elected President of the thirty-seventh session

of the General Assembly. On behalf of my

Govern¬ment and my people, I convey

congratulations and best wishes also to the great

Hungarian people and the friendly Hungarian

Government, of which he is such a worthy

representative.

113. i should like also tc pay a tribute to

Mr. Ismat Kittani for the skilful and exemplary

manner in which he conducted the affairs of the

thirty-sixth session.

114. The President's inaugural statement was

an eloquent compendium of the events that had

occurred in the year since we met in this Hall at

the beginning of the thirty-sixth session. They

were truly momentous events which cast a heavy

shadow of gloom over the international scene.

They are fraught with grave dangers both for the

issues of war and peace and for the issue of

development.

115. Two years ago, Egypt urged that we pause

for serious reflection. Members will recall that

in our statement at the thirty-fifth session of

the General Assembly we gave the following

warning:

"The recent alarming developments that have

challenged the Charter and the international

order that we have subscribed to... since 1945

have... created a perilous situation of political

upheaval sometimes bordering on chaos...".

And we noted that, in our opinion:

"... the time is ripe to undertake an objective

appraisal of the existing political order and, in

par-ticular, of the role of the existing

international machinery. Accordingly, the

Government of Egypt... [Proposes] the convening

of a special session of the General Assembly to

take up this whole matter."

H6. We raised this matter and submitted it for

the Assembly's consideration at the thirty-fifth

session. If anything, the developments that we

have all witnessed since that time should confirm

the serious¬ness of our proposal. In this

context, I feel it is most appropriate to pay a

special tribute to the Secretary- General, Mr.

Javier Perez de Cuellar. His report on the work

of the Organization has provided a valuable

analysis of the international situation and of

the role of the United Nations in the

international system. I support all the proposals

made in his report.

117. It is high time that we tackle

effectively and with firmness and fairness the

various problems that beset us. Foremost among

those problems are the issues of war and peace.

In the past year alone we have witnessed the

invasion of Lebanon, the destruc¬tion of Beirut,

the Falklands (Malvinas) war, the con-tinuing

Iran-Iraq war, the situation in Afghanistan, the

grave situation in Kampuchea, the precarious

situation in Korea, the impasse in the problem of

Cyprus and grave possibilities in Central

America, Africa and the Middle East.

118. The problems we are facing are not

confined to those political areas; they are

interlocked with economic, social and cultural

problems as well as with human rights issues. A

number of special sessions of the Assembly have

been held to examine various problems and issues,

such as the Palestinian problem, the question of

Namibia, the situation in Afghanistan, the new

international economic order and the problem of

disarmament. But what has been the outcome of

those sessions? The resolutions that were adopted

have not been implemented. They remain dead

letters, thus contributing to the further

weakening of the United Nations and bringing into

sharper focus the paralysis of the international

system. This state of affairs is not consonant

with aspirations to peace, progress and justice.

The present political order, with its principles

and conventions, was established solely in order

to guarantee the attainment and enjoyment of

those goals. The persistence of present

conditions can lead only to a serious

disintegration of the fabric of international

relations.

119. Against the backdrop of these

developments, the Egyptian Government reiterates

its proposal for the convening of a special

session of the General Assembly to assess the

situation and the role of the Organization in

general and so that all Member States can take

part in a detailed discussion of the issue.

Essentially, we urge the General Assembly to

focus on and intensify discussion of the entire

interna¬tional order, the suitability of the

present political system, the role of the United

Nations and, in par¬ticular, the system of

collective security—as the delegation of Sierra

Leone rightly said in connection with the

discussion on the inclusion of that question in

the agenda of the present session.

120. AH these matters are of paramount

importance for all the peoples of the world and

consequently they must be debated by their

representatives on a basis of equality. The

Security Council would then be asked to consider

the situation in the light of the General

Assembly's findings. The system of periodic

meetings provided for in Article 28 of the

Charter would probably constitute an appropriate

starting- point for the fulfillment by the

Council of its responsibilities in this respect.

The Secretary-General has an essential role to

play in this regard, but he has to be provided

with the necessary resources and with the means

to help move the world to a new phase of

constructive action aimed at achieving more

stable conditions.

121. The international economic situation is a

cause for alarm and profound concern because of

adverse economic conditions confronting both

developing and developed nations, with the impact

on the third world even more painful. Third world

countries have fre¬quently asked for a review of

the existing pattern in international economic

relations so that economic life can be based on

justice and partnership. All of us are required

to redouble our efforts and muster the political

will to bring about an economic order that is

both effective and just.

122. Our alarm is due to the absence of any

encour¬aging signs in the international economic

climate and the tendency among some countries to

solve their economic problems in isolation. This

development is likely to increase the existing

discrepancies. Relevant to this issue are the

claims made by some indus-trialized countries

that call into question the efficiency of

economic aid through international organizations.

This is one of the major reasons for the acute

crisis facing UNDP, which is suffering a serious

depletion of financial resources because of the

decrease in the voluntary contributions of the

donor countries, a situa¬tion that has led to a

40 per cent reduction in country programmes for

developing nations. This is bound to have an

adverse effect on the economic and social

development programmes of those countries, not to

mention the negative effects in discrediting the

concept of co-operation and interdependence, the

mainstay of the United Nations.

123. Some of the issues discussed within the

frame¬work of the North-South dialogue have

assumed special significance and urgency; we must

therefore act vigorously in dealing with them and

seeking the necessary solutions. In addition to

those issues is the question of global

negotiations for restructuring the international

economic order. Consultations over those

negotiations have now entered their third year,

but we are still going through a vicious circle

of sug¬gestions and counter-suggestions, a circle

that has not yet been broken.

124. Nevertheless, we are still hopeful that

the parties can find a common ground to permit

the realization of this objective, provided that

the political will emerges among some patties to

forge ahead towards genuine reform of the

international economic order.

125. The Group of 77 has made strenuous

efforts to get the North-South global

negotiations going, and to make the negotiations

comprehensive as well as complementary. This

goal, regrettably, has not been realized because

of the rigid position taken by some

industrialized countries. We see no alternative

to stepped-tup efforts to induce more flexibility

among the industrialized nations in their

attitude towards the problems of the developing

nations. The international community is

increasingly convinced of the need to review and

change the current pattern of international

economic relations and to establish it on a basis

of equity, partnership and international

interdependence.

126. The developing nations have spared no

effort in providing an impetus to economic

co-operation among themselves and in establishing

the principle of individual and collective

self-reliance. The Caracas Programme of Actions

is undoubtedly a positive step towards more

balanced economic relations between North and

South. A general review of the meetings that have

taken place from the time of the Caracas meeting,

in May 1981, to the Manila meeting, in August of

this year, sheds some light on the efforts made

and the genuine desire on the part of the

developing nations, despite their limited

resources, to ensure the success of the Caracas

Programme of Action, and to ensure both sound

implementation and continuing economic

co-operation among themselves.

127. Egypt is very interested in extending its

eco¬nomic relations with developing nations. We

believe in such co-operation, especially

technical co-operation. Technical and expertise

exchange programmes have been instituted,

together with the provision of scholar¬ships and

training for students and trainees from various

developing countries in Asia, Africa and Latin

America.

128. As a non-aligned and non-nuclear country

with a keen interest in international security

and develop¬ment, Egypt has a well-established

position based on full support of and effective

participation in all efforts and measures leading

to general and complete disarma¬ment under

effective international control.

129. The convening of the second special

session of the General Assembly devoted to

disarmament this year was an event of tremendous

significance to which mankind pinned its hopes

for peace. Thus, our disap¬pointment was all the

greater because at that session the Assembly

failed to agree on a comprehensive program for

disarmament within a specific time¬frame,

including specific and effective measures to halt

the arms race, nuclear and conventional. By that

failure an excellent opportunity was missed for

realizing the goal of disarmament and thereby

guaran¬teeing a safe and peaceful world.

130. The failure of that session, however,

should not lead us to give up hope. Armed with a

persistent political will, we the Governments and

peoples should be able to proceed towards

narrowing the gap between the various positions.

And here we would like to under¬line that the

nuclear Powers, especially the superpowers, have

a special responsibility, emanating from their

international obligations to ensure world peace

and security, over and above the collective

responsi¬bility of all States in this regard.

131. Egypt will work tirelessly in

contributing to the achievement of peace all over

the world, and espe-cially in the Middle East. In

that connection, Egypt has launched an initiative

for a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East

and has been pursuing means to implement it for

the last eight years.

132. The declaration of the Middle East as a

nuclear-weapon-free zone would be a major element

in lessening tension and eliminating instability

in the area. Appropriate measures would be needed

to determine the best approach to that goal.

133. Egypt has suggested that the

Secretary-General send a special representative

to meet the parties concerned in the area to

explore their views on means of achieving this

goal. That proposal still constitutes for us an

important step in this direction. The

establish¬ment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in

the Middle East would undoubtedly contribute to

the security of the Mediterranean and would

enhance African security as it relates to the

Declaration on the Denuclearization of Africa and

to the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone

of Peace.

134. More than a year after its accession to

the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear

Weapons Egypt reaffirms its dedication and

commitment to ensuring international respect for

the objectives of the Treaty, believing that it

can contribute to the search for an effective

system of non-proliferation and to ensuring the

right of all States to the peaceful uses of

nuclear energy. In this connection, we strongly

support the position of the non-aligned countries

in insisting on iron-clad guarantees of the

protection of the security of non-nuclear

countries. In addition, nuclear Powers must give

assurances to those countries that nuclear

weapons will not be used against them. Now that

non-nuclear countries signatories to the Treaty

have fulfilled their obligations, Egypt stresses

the need for nuclear Powers to abide by their

commitments under the Treaty.

135. It is abundantly clear that the

international situation, because of the conflicts

with which it is plagued or because of wars

actually being waged, demonstrates that no

partial approach of dealing with a single problem

in isolation from others—whether it be

disarmament the new economic order or collective

security—will provide an effective remedy for the

problems connected with the international

political system. This leads me to reiterate our

earlier proposal on the convening of a special

session of the General Assembly for the purpose

of a thorough review of the entire international

political system and the role of the United

Nations. This would help us to fulfill our

responsibility to establish an international

political system that is more just and more

secure.

136. As an African country, Egypt is passing

through the game crucial stage as the rest of

Africa. We see attempts to circumvent the United

Nations plan for Namibia, the persistence of

apartheid in South Africa, the grave situation in

the Horn of Africa and disagree¬ment over the

question of Western Sahara. Moreover, the pursuit

of certain reckless policies poses a threat to

the unity of Africa and to the territorial

integrity of its States and the security of its

peoples. We are aware of the predicament with

which the OAU has been faced, ever since the

thirty-eighth session of the Council of

Ministers, which was held in February in Addis

Ababa, in connection with the question of the

membership of Western Sahara. That question has

given rise to disagreement within the ranks of

the OAU, threatening its very survival. However,

impelled by our deep conviction and belief in

African unity and by our interest in the

continuing viability of the OAU, we in Egypt have

adopted a firm position, namely, that

differences, no matter how deep and extensive,

can be solved in a spirit of reconciliation, in

the true African tradition. We in Egypt are

confident of the ability of Africa to exercise

African wisdom and to resolve those differences

that arose last February and interrupted the work

of the OAU at a time when the need for

co-ordinate and collective action though the

African organization was more pressing than ever

before.

137. Foremost among African problems is the

situation in southern Africa, where South Africa

con-tinues to defy the international community by

inten¬sifying its policies of racial

discrimination and apartheid, which have been

condemned by all mankind, irrespective of creed,

ideology or religion. Egypt strongly supports all

international resolutions calling for sanctions

against South Africa until it desists from the

policies that flout the elementary principles of

human rights. Furthermore, Egypt urges all States

to participate effectively in the application of

such sanctions.

138. We condemn the racist policies of South

Africa and its colonialist policy in Namibia.

Although four years have passed since the

adoption of Security Council resolution 435

(1978), which sets forth the United Nations plan

for the peaceful settlement of the matter, the

region has not yet achieved its indepen-dence,

because of the intransigence the colonialist

racist Pretoria regime.

139. We are all only too aware of the lengths

to which SWAPO, the legitimate representative of

the people of Namibia, has gone in its efforts to

adopt a reasonable attitude and to achieve a

peaceful settle-ment of the problem. We are all

familiar with the maneuvers of South Africa

designed to perpetuate its illegal occupation of

Namibia and to set up a quisling regime there.

140. SWAPO and the African States have

expe¬rienced the bitterness of frustration

created by such endless maneuvers. The latest of

those maneuvers occurred only a few weeks ago.

After the Western contact group had sent the

letter concerning the agreement reached on

constitutional principles, the Prime Minister of

South Africa came up with a new stratagem to

obstruct agreement by introducing elements

extraneous to the question of Namibia and also to

the United Nations plan. We call upon the Western

contact group to exercise all types of pressure

on South Africa to induce it to implement the

United Nations plan which it approved in

principle in 1978.

141. In talking about Africa I cannot refrain

from emphasizing one of the most serious problems

in the continent's history, namely, that of

Western Sahara. The resolution adopted at the

eighteenth session of the OAU Assembly of Heads

of State and Government in June 1981 in Nairobi,

" and the decisions adopted in August 1981" and

February 1982 by the OAU Implementation Committee

provide a sound basis for a peaceful settlement

that would ensure stability in the area in

accordance with the right to self-determination.

The subsequent negative develop¬ments in the

attempt to impose new conditions without

consensus have not only complicated the question

of Western Sahara but also threatened political

life in the continent.

142. We appeal to our brother countries

parties to the problem before the OAU to seek a

peaceful approach to conflicts and to avoid

recourse to force. We consider it our duty to

call for adherence to the charter of the OAU,

which forbids intervention in the internal

affairs of member States. We also call upon them

to safeguard their independence, sovereignty and

territorial integrity and the security of their

peoples.

143. While reviewing the situation in Africa I

should like to convey some good news to the

international community about an important event

that will take place in a few days. Egypt and the

Sudan are con-cluding a new charter for

integration, a charter formulating an

organizational and substantive frame¬work and

reflecting the political will of the two

coun¬tries to step up their development through

the imple-mentation of a number of projects in

the economic, social and cultural spheres. The

charter provides for a presidential council for

integration affairs, a "Valley of the Nile"

parliament with about 60 members repre¬senting

the two peoples, a general secretariat to act as

the executive arm in following up integration

projects and a special fund to finance those

projects.

144. The goal of the integration and its

charter is to establish regional co-operation as

a model and a nucleus that could, in the future,

encompass the nine countries of the Nile Basin.

It should be recalled that in 1980 the OAU

Assembly endorsed the Lagos Plan of Action for

the Implementation of the Monrovia Strategy for

the Development of Africa, when they decided that

African regional co-operation constituted an

indispensable basis for social and economic

develop¬ment in Africa. The integration plan

concluded by Egypt and the Sudan is fully in

keeping with the Lagos plan. It is indeed a good

omen, heralding wel¬fare and prosperity for the

peoples of the Nile Valley, north and south alike.

145. As a founding member of the non-aligned

movement, Egypt declares that there is no

alternative to the policy of non-alignment.

Non-alignment is the sole means of safeguarding

the security and the safety of the third world

and of facing the policies of polarization,

blocs, pacts and confrontation. Non- alignment i:

incontestably the only deterrent to policies of

hegemony, expansion and domination. The

non-aligned movement was established in response

to the aspirations of emerging nations which had

barely left behind the struggle for liberation.

The movement also includes peoples and nations

which are still locked in a bitter struggle to

liquidate the remnants of colonialism, overcome

dependence, back-wardness and racism and defend

human rights and dignity.

146. The active and historic role played by the

early pioneers and founders of the movement

deserves a special tribute from all of us. Today

we recall the guidance of great, inspired leaders

such as Tito, Nehru and Abdel Nasser, who charted

for us the lofty goals and noble means for

success. We feel that the values and principles

which they struggled for are in need of further

defense and further sustained efforts if they are

to retain their authenticity, purity and essence.

147. Indeed, much has been achieved. The

movement now has a wider membership, as it

comprises the majority of the States in the

international community. But as opposed to these

achievements, a number of problems have

unfortunately arisen, the most serious of which

are those affecting the ranks of the countries of

the movement.

148. We have faced direct and indirect

intervention in the internal affairs of the

non-aligned countries. We have experienced

military adventures and power politics exercised

directly or by proxy. The movement has been

infiltrated by a tendency to divide the world

into natural allies and natural enemies.

Furthermore, the movement has been arbitrarily

over-categorized and over-stratified, which has

deepened differences and dissension, distracting

the movement and sapping its energy.

149. The challenges facing the movement make

it necessary that all of us who have an interest

in pre-serving its non-aligned character should

try to keep it on course. It gives me great

pleasure to note that within the movement the

situation is far better than it was a few years

ago. This is to the credit of the member States,

which for the most part have reso¬lutely defended

that great body and respected its true principles

in order to put non-alignment back on its

original track in facing the perils of the cold

war between the super-Powers. Experience has

taught us that it is the small and developing

countries that generally and ultimately bear the

brunt and the conse¬quences of that cold war.

150. The basic principle of our great

movement, to which President Hosni Mubarak

reaffirms his commit¬ment, is for us a firm creed

and a constant element of our foreign policy

under the new leadership of Egypt.

151. It would be appropriate to acknowledge

here the efforts that have been made recently to

save the movement from fragmentation owing to the

insistence of some countries on changing the

venue of the Seventh Conference of Heads of State

or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, which was

scheduled to be held in Baghdad. We welcome the

constructive attitude of the Iraqi Government in

not insisting on Baghdad as the venue, and also

thank the Government of India for agreeing to

hest the meeting; we urge, so that the

non-aligned countries can pursue the positive

approach they have chosen.

152. Recently the Middle East has been the

theatre of very tragic events, being subjected to

devastating wars and unprecedented waves of

destruction. But despite all the anguish, hopes

of a just settlement that takes into account the

rights of all the parties without exception have

not yet been extinguished. Egypt, which bears a

special responsibility in this area, was in the

forefront of the battlefield when war was the

only means of dealing with the situation.

Similarly, Egypt was in the front line of

negotiators when the time was propitious and the

balance was redressed.

153. Egypt most emphatically cannot afford to

accept a situation in which one party to the

conflict arrogates to itself the role of arbiter,

waging wars; wreaking havoc and committing

aggression. Egypt will never accept Israeli

aggression against Iraq, its annexation of the

Syrian Golan Heights or its occupa¬tion of

Lebanon. Egypt totally rejects Israel's utterly

irresponsible policy of unbridled aggression

against the Palestinian people and the FLO.

154. Israel must understand that Egypt will

never tolerate the mutilation of the Palestinian

question or of the Palestinian people and that

Egypt rejects Israel's crime in Lebanon and

against the Palestinians in all its aspects.

155. If Israel demands respect for its

sovereignty, territorial integrity and security,

this can be achieved only with reciprocity. If

Israel demands respect for its rights and the

rights of its people to life and existence,

Israel must respect the rights of the Palestinian

people to life and existence.

156. There should be no double standards.

Israeli policies should not be based on

considerations of self-arrogated privileges over

other countries and peoples. This should be

unequivocally clear to the leaders of Israel. In

this context, Israel stands fully responsible for

all its actions. Israel, under the provi¬sions of

the Charter, the norms of international law, the

resolutions of the Security Council and the

provi¬sions of the peace accords, is committed to

respect the legitimate rights of the Palestinian

people, fore¬most among which is their right to

life, to existence and to self-determination.

157. If Israel does not understand, or chooses

not to understand, it will have shunned

international legality, flouted the Charter,

disregarded the norms of interna¬tional law and,

indeed, repudiated the peace accords.

158. However, if Israel still relies on its

security argument, we, for our part, assert in

all candors that such claims defy logic and

reason. Israel's security lies, in a word, in the

establishment of peace based on justice. No

amount of weapons, money, maneuvers, invasion,

attempts to establish settlements, or

displacement of thousands of human beings is

going to bring security to Israel. Peace means

security for all, based on justice for all. This

is the only road to security and stability.

159. When Egypt initiated the peace process

with President Sadat's visit to Jerusalem it was

destined to achieve the following objectives:

First, Israel's recog¬nition of the existence of

the Palestinian people and the existence of the

legitimate rights of the Palestinian people.

Secondly, Israel's acceptance of negotiations

with the representatives of the Palestinian

people. Thirdly, free election of a Palestinian

authority to assume power fully in the occupied

Palestinian terri¬tories as a transitional

arrangement. Fourthly, the with¬drawal of the

Israeli military and civilian administra¬tion

from the occupied territories, as well as the

beginning of the withdrawal of the Israeli

occupation forces, the remaining forces to be

redeployed during the transitional phase to

specific, points and camps. Fifthly, initiation

of negotiations between the Israelis and

Palestinians on the final status of the occupied

West Bank and Gaza/This meant, in other words, a

total rejection of Israel's expansionist,

annexationist and sovereignty claims as well as

of any unilateral or arbitrary measure. Sixthly,

it is inevitable that the Palestinian people

should be enabled to exercise its right to

self-determination, including the right to

establish its own State or any other arrangement

accepted by the Palestinian people within the

frame¬work of international legitimacy.

160. As all delegations are aware, Egypt has

been engaged in negotiations with Israel with the

full participation of the United States of

America to help establish transitional

arrangements that would assist in accomplishing

those legitimate objectives. Egypt entered into

these negotiations in good faith, motivated by

the hope of an early dawn of peace and

anticipating that Israel, too, would pursue that

path and co-operate in implementing the

agreements towards comprehen¬sive peace.

161. However, Israel opted to persist in

establishing settlements in the occupied

Palestinian territories in an attempt to seize

and usurp the territories of the West Bank,

including Jerusalem and Gaza. Again, Israel

persisted in annexing Jerusalem and the Syrian

Golan Heights and in adopting other measures that

conflict with the confidence-building endeavors

required to establish a comprehensive peace in

the area.

162. This has culminated in the suspension of

those negotiations more than once. Needless to

say, Egypt, committed as it is to a firm rational

stand based on and reinforced by the rules of

international law and the principles and the

purposes of the Charter, cannot accept such

distorted interpretations of accords reached

under international legality. Egypt cannot

associate itself with a conspiracy against the

Palestinian people through any unsound

interpretation or equivo¬cal intentions or

designs aimed at annexation, incor¬poration and

other practices directed against the Palestinians

in Jerusalem, the West Bank or Gaza.

163. In the wake of Israel's complete

withdrawal from Egyptian territory on 25 April

1982, hope still lingered and did not fade. We

expected that Israel would be serious this time

in the continuation of the peace process. Allow

me here to emphasize the fact that Egypt views

the withdrawal from Sinai as only part of a

settlement of the overall problem and as a step

on a long, tedious road. Unfortunately, Israel

dissipated all hopes through persistence in its

policies, unacceptable by any logic or reason.

Then came the devastating aggression on Lebanon,

which has been both a staggering blow to the

sovereignty and terri¬torial integrity of Lebanon

and a flagrant violation of the political and

human rights of its citizens, whose lives have

been severely disrupted. The invasion has also

painfully disrupted the structure of the

Palestinian community in Lebanon which, owing to

displacement and dispersion, had been forced to

take temporary shelter in Lebanon. The invasion

was planned also to abolish the political and

national rights of the Pal¬estinian people and to

stifle its struggle under the leadership of the

PLO.

164. Against this background, Egypt and France

presented a joint initiative in the Security

Council last July. The draft resolution contained

two parts, the first providing for guarantees of

the sovereignty and political independence of

Lebanon and the second dealing with and

supporting the national and inalienable rights of

the Palestinian people against the armed Israeli

invasion. It called for the application of the

principles of security in order to:

"Reaffirm the right of all States in the region

to existence and security in accordance with

Security Council resolution 242 (1967);

"Reaffirm the legitimate national rights of the

Palestinian people, including the right to self-

determination with all its implications, on the

under¬standing that to this end the Palestinian

people shall be represented in the negotiations

and, con¬sequently, the Palestine Liberation

Organization shall be associated therein;

"Call for the mutual and simultaneous recognition of the parties concerned".

165. This is the political, historical context

and rationale of that initiative. Egypt and

France strongly uphold their initiative and

reiterate full commitment to its principles in

the deep conviction that its provi-sions stem

from the rules of international law and the

principles and purposes of the Charter and

resolutions of the United Nations. While solemnly

stating this position, Egypt also declares that

in the light of the agreement reached with France

at the highest level, we shall defer our

participation in the debate on this initiative at

the present time, taking into consideration a

number of positive developments in the overall

situation and also in anticipation of future

develop¬ments. In this context, we wish to

welcome the PLO's statement in the Security

Council on 29 July 1982."

166. Foremost among those positive

developments is President Ronald Reagan's

initiative made public on 1 September 1982. It is

a commendable attitude on the part of the

American Administration. Its analysis of the

situation in the Middle East is sound, and that

is why the United States is urged to take a

firmer stand concerning the grave developments

resulting from the Israeli policy in Lebanon,

Beirut in par¬ticular, the Palestinian problem

and the problem of the Middle East in general.

167. We welcome the initiative, which contains

many ^ positive elements and constitutes a major

step towards a just solution of the Palestinian

problem and a fair and comprehensive settlement.

Meanwhile, we have some comments to make on parts

of this initiative which we hope will be

considered by the United States Administration.

There will certainly be ample time and

opportunity for such reconsideration when

discussions start with the parties concerned.

How¬ever, what is essential in the final analysis

is that sustained efforts be made to give effect

to this ini¬tiative as quickly as possible,

before it is overtaken by events or eroded by

maneuvers such as those we have witnessed

recently.

168. At the same time we urge the Government

of Israel to reconsider its negative attitude to

the Reagan initiative, to respect the framework

of international legality by ceasing the

establishment of settlements and desisting from

its policies of annexation and assimila¬tion and

to treat the population of the West Bank,

including east Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip, in

accord¬ance with the provisions of the Geneva

Convention. We urge Israel not to adopt an

inflexible attitude but to respond positively to

the appeal made by the highest authority in the

United States.

169. We also urge the PLO to reassess the

present situation in all its aspects, re-examine

our suggestion for simultaneous mutual

recognition, and reaffirm its adherence to all

the United Nations resolutions relevant to the

question of Palestine, in order to facilitate a

dialogue with the United States, thus enabling

the PLO to participate in the dialogue with all

the parties directly concerned with this

question. In turn, such a dialogue would enable

the American Administration to communicate on a

basis of equality with all the parties concerned.

170. In that context, we appreciate the

statement made by Yasser Arafat, Chairman of the

Executive Committee of the PLO, to the effect

that he accepts all United Nations resolutions

relevant to the ques-tion of Palestine. We

consider this statement to be a step in the right

direction. This attitude deserves respect and

encouragement, as it reflects a sound appraisal

and understanding of the situation and its

imperatives.

171. There was yet another development when

the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference adopted

unani-mously another peace plan on 8 September

1982. Some might take issue with one or other

aspect of the plan, but many positive elements in

it cannot be overlooked or minimized. Also, the

political significance implicit in a consensus

among Arab heads of State or Government on such a

plan should not be overlooked. The Arabs have

spoken with one voice in Fez, opting in clear and

unequivocal terms for a comprehensive peace based

on justice. The Arab States are willing to pursue

the course of a negotiated peaceful settlement

based on mutual recognition.

172. The principles and broad outline embodied

in the Fez resolutions constitute an acceptable

basis for negotiation. They may require

mechanisms or pro¬cedures, executive preparatory

measures or transi¬tional arrangements, but,

taken with the other existing initiatives, the

Fez resolutions are capable of being translated

into a practical, just and acceptable form.

173. By the same token, I have to reiterate

that Egypt does not exclude any other initiative

designed to make it possible to forge ahead

towards a just, peaceful and comprehensive

settlement. In this connection, reference should

be made to the European initiative, the Romanian

initiative, the Soviet initiative and the ideas

put forward by the Secretary-General.

174. By a natural process of association,

talking about Fez leads me to touch on

Egyptian-Arab relations. Egypt has been

intrinsically an Arab country for the past 14

centuries. The genuinely Arab character of Egypt

can be neither made nor unmade by a decision.

Egypt is far beyond being affected by one country

and regime, or a number of countries and regimes,

which may call into question its genuine Arab

char¬acter. The Arabism of Egypt, metaphorically

speaking, is like a tree, deeply rooted for 14

centuries, watered by the blood of the martyrs

who have fallen in battle in defense of

Palestinian rights on many occasions, indicating

the position of Egypt as it has stood firmly for

Arab rights from Morocco to the Gulf States, from

the turn of this century until today.

175. We may have disagreed with some of our

brothers, and we may still be in disagreement,

over a number of issues but we call upon Arab

countries to stand united in the face of the

crucial challenges confronting the entire Arab

nation today. Egypt will continue to exert every

effort to that end. We are confident that Arab

solidarity will surmount those Arab differences

and disputes.

176. I have talked at some length about the

situation in the Middle East and the Palestinian

problem, the core of that conflict, and in

conclusion I should like to tackle two important

points. The first relates to the deteriorating

conditions in Lebanon. The situation is still

fraught with danger; it still threatens to

explode, engulfing Lebanon and spreading beyond.

We in Egypt reject the claim that the continuing

Israeli occupation is a necessity or that it

protects anybody. The existence in Lebanon of

foreign military occupa¬tion resulting from

invasion would be the principal cause of any

further deterioration. We maintain our unshakable

belief that the solution lies in the with¬drawal

of the Israeli invasion forces from all Lebanese

territory to its internationally recognized

borders.

177. All foreign forces must withdraw from

Lebanon, but the withdrawal of Israeli occupation

forces should neither be conditional on nor

relate to any other presence. Israel must realize

by now that its view concerning the situation in

the Middle East is erroneous, that its

understanding of conditions in Lebanon is

superficial. It results not from any

under¬standing of reality but from the arrogance

of power. The presence of Israel in Lebanon will

not lead to stability in that country but will,

rather, intensify the waste and destruction

there. That may be what Israel wants; it is

certainly what Israel is accomplishing. But

Israel will not long escape the consequences,

unless it hastens to correct the situation,

unless its wise men or its friends correct the

situation, before the oppor¬tunity is missed and

it is too late.

178. We urge the United States, the

super-Power that is in a position effectively to

influence several situations in the area, and

which is providing Israel with the tools of power

and the means of life, to restrain Israel without

delay, as President Eisenhower did in 1957.

179. Israel dishonored all its pledges and

guaran¬tees under the agreement reached on the

withdrawal of PLO forces from Beirut when Israeli

troops pushed into west Beirut and inside the

refugee camps of innocent Palestinian civilians

in Sabra and Shatila unleashing their henchmen

and lackeys, murderers and assassins to butcher

children, babies, women and elderly men who were

under the protection of the Israeli occupation

army, on a dark day of shame for Israel.

180. The basic solution to the Lebanese

problem lies in respect for the sovereignty,

territorial integrity, political independence and

Arab character of Lebanon, the unity of its

people and Government and the safe¬guarding of

the rights of all its citizens on a basis of

equality, coexistence and co-operation.

181. At the same time, we advise our brothers

in Lebanon, irrespective of their creed,

affiliations, aspi-rations or position, to make

the unity of their State and their people their

highest concern. They are required to stand

united in these crucial moments to enable Lebanon

to weather this stormy crisis and restore their

country to its traditional pride and traditional

pros¬perity. In this connection, Egypt wishes all

success to President Amin Gemayel, Lebanon's new

Presi¬dent, in his challenging mandate, and hopes

that his election will be a major step towards

stability, inde¬pendence and the termination of

foreign occupation.

182. I have touched on the painful events

taking place in the heart of the Arab world. On

its eastern frontiers, a ferocious war between

Iran and, Iraq has entered its third year posing

grave perils to the stability, resources and the

well-being of the Middle East.

183. We know all about the latest of the repeated Iranian invasions of

Iraq. We are also familiar with Iran's rejection

of all attempts at a settlement and of all peace

mediations. Iran, instead, is determined to

continue the war against Iraq. Iraq has already

with¬drawn or at least is ready to withdraw from

all Iranian territory. Iraq has also made public

its readiness to accept peace mediations and its

responsiveness to efforts for a settlement. We

call upon the Iranian Government to opt for peace

and to revoke all claims that could engender

conflicts and rekindle the con¬flagration.

184. As an Arab country which believes in the

terri¬torial integrity of the Arab nation, and

confident of the Government of Iraq's acceptance

of peace initiatives, Egypt declares that it will

support Iraq in defense of the Iraqi people and

territory.

185. Peace for Egypt is a profound conviction

and a full commitment. Consequently, despite the

colossal obstacles obstructing our pain towards a

peaceful settlement in the Middle East, Egypt

will never resign itself to despair, but will

persist unwaveringly in exerting all efforts to

achieve a peace based on justice, which alone can

ensure permanence and continuity.

186. Egypt's commitment to peace is not

exclusive, but transcends the Middle East to

spread to other regions of the world. Egyptian

positions on world issues emanate from one

consistent and constant prin-ciple. We call for

the peaceful settlement of disputes through

dialogue and negotiation, and through respect for

international law and the principles of the

Charter of the United Nations.

187. These are our expectations and

aspirations. They are not dreams, because through

our common and concerted efforts, they could be

translated into realities of life, to help create

a better world for our posterity and all future

generations.