Egypt, 2007

Six years ago, in September 2001, we, the representatives

of the international community, stood united and in

solidarity in the face of international terrorism. In all

our languages, faiths and cultures, we expressed our

condemnation of any terrorist act that targets innocent

civilians. We denounced and deplored such acts, then

resolved to work seriously to combat this grave and

alarming phenomenon. We agreed to work earnestly,

not only to deal with terrorism from a security

perspective, but also to achieve long-awaited

breakthroughs in the old crises and conflicts, which

because of their complexity and longevity have

overwhelmed the desperate and the hopeless in our

particular region. Those conflicts fuel people’s sense of

injustice and despair and push them into the ranks of

those who espouse dark extremist ideas that consider

violence as the only means of operation and even

sometimes as an end in itself.

We were all prepared for action. There was a

widespread belief in the Middle East region that major

breakthroughs were imminent, that the successful

containment and eradication of international terrorism

would take place not only through security operations

but also through concurrent actions of equal

importance aimed at draining its intellectual resources

and freezing its human and financial assets.

However, we seem to have gone astray during

those six years. Our objectives were fragmented, and

our energies were scattered. We failed as an

international community to maintain the huge

momentum generated in this very Hall in September

2001, that momentum which found expression in our

resolve to work together to defuse tensions in our

region as a step towards the settlement of its chronic

political conflicts.

Regrettably, narrow-minded, domestic political

agendas have been imposed by some, and unwise

objectives have replaced the lofty ones that we had

planned to achieve. Instead of focusing on the

eradication of the hotbeds of international terrorism

hotbeds which were not numerous six years ago we

lost sight of our main goal and vision. The eradication

of international terrorism was no longer the goal but

instead became a loose phrase. There was oppression,

torture and humiliation, and, on the other side, more

violence, resistance and atrocities.

This came as no surprise to us, since the objective

was regrettably lost. We all stood stunned and

flabbergasted before the events that were unfolding in

this region and the world. How could we have been

diverted from our goal? How could it be that our world

was dragged down almost to the level of a clash

between civilizations, cultures and religions? Why are

some attempting to thrust the holy religion of Islam

into the labyrinth of a limitless clash with the West, a

clash that serves no one’s interests? To the contrary, it

causes everyone grievous harm. Here comes the

question: what can we, the national people of the

world, do to get back on course?

In all honesty, I must tell you that this last

question is our main concern in the Middle East.

Despite the importance of the other questions, and even

though we are fully aware of the answers thereto, we

prefer to leave aside these questions and to let the

historians and scholars probe them, detect any errors

and assign historical responsibility to each party.

But in truth the more urgent task is to get back on

course by finding a way out of the dark tunnel we have

been forced into. In our opinion, the right way to

proceed is to go back to where we should have started

from in the first place and to address directly and

effectively the chronic conflicts, foremost among them

being the Arab-Israeli conflict and its core issue, the

Palestinian question.

Any attempt to achieve stability and disseminate

peace and security in the world without a serious

settlement of the Palestinian question and the Arab-

Israeli conflict will not be successful. The opposite is

also true. Serious and sustained action to achieve a just

and comprehensive settlement of that conflict and that

question directly serves international peace and

security and contributes to the stabilization of the

Middle East region. All of us are aware of the

importance of Middle East stability for the stability of

the world at large. Furthermore, we are duty-bound to

continue our work to defuse tensions in Iraq and

Lebanon and to stabilize and improve the situation in

Darfur.

It is hard to believe that sixteen years have

already passed since the convening of the historic

Madrid Peace Conference between the Arabs and

Israel. Fourteen years have elapsed since the signing of

the first Palestinian-Israeli accord in Oslo. Eleven

years ago, Arab States adopted peace as their strategic

option to end their conflict with Israel. Five full years

have passed since the declaration by the Arab States of

their historic initiative regarding their readiness to

establish normal peace relations with Israel in return

for the latter’s withdrawal from the territories it

occupied by force in 1967 and for the just settlement of

the Palestinian question. It has also been five years

since the Palestinians and the Israelis reached a number

of agreed points and memorandums that come very

close to the final settlement of this question.

Given all of the above, one would scarcely

believe that peace today still seems farther away than it

was in the early 1990s. It is hard to believe that there is

now talk going around in vicious circles about the

bases and principles of the settlement, which are

already known to all of us. It is also hard to believe

that strenuous efforts are made to resume negotiations

to agree yet again on mechanisms and formulations.

Rehashing those old and worn-out subjects is an

exercise in futility.

We in Egypt realize that the persistence of this

conflict inflames passions and minds in the region. The

Assembly knows the efforts and sacrifices made by

Egypt in order to put a just and comprehensive end to

this historic conflict in a manner that serves the

interests of all parties.

But this issue requires leadership; it requires

courage from all parties. It also requires a clear and

correct vision that the lack of a peaceful settlement of

this conflict not only denies the right of a whole people

to freedom and dignity, but also feeds directly the calls

for violence, extremism and the relinquishing of

peaceful and political negotiation as a means to

achieve the objective. Thus the conflict will continue to

rage for years to come; peoples will continue to suffer;

the world will continue to face the current state of

sharp instability and polarization, as we are currently

witnessing.

Egypt has displayed and continues to display its

constant readiness to work with all parties:

Palestinians, Israelis, Americans, Europeans and all

those who take to heart the interests of the Palestinian

people, the interests of the peoples of the region and

the interest of world peace and stability. Our purpose is

to achieve the resumption of serious political dialogue,

which would lead to a settlement within a strict,

specified time frame.

We will spare no effort to achieve that objective.

We will not despair in the face of problems and

difficulties. We will work in all sincerity because we

are committed to the cause of our Palestinian brothers

and to the establishment of an independent, sovereign

Palestinian State on the Palestinian territories occupied

in 1967, with Al-Quds Al-Sharif as its capital. We will

continue to work because we are committed to the

liberation of the rest of the occupied Arab territories in

Syria and Lebanon and because we are committed to

the objective of achieving just and comprehensive

peace in the Middle East. In this respect, the meeting

called for by President Bush this fall may, if well

prepared, provide an important opportunity to achieve

long-awaited progress.

Brotherly Iraq continues to bleed; thousands of

its citizens continue to be killed; thousands more

continue to flee as a result of difficult living

conditions. The state of today’s Iraq breaks the heart of

one and all. In spite of the political process in Iraq,

which we understood and encouraged, events on the

ground, with their extremely negative repercussions,

are what shapes today’s Iraq and its image before the

international community.

Iraq today sorely needs leaders and leaderships

that are keen on preserving the unity of this major Arab

country. It needs leaders who seek consensus and steer

away from sectarianism and confessionalism. It needs

leaders who extend the hand of dialogue to each other,

who do not point guns at one another: it needs leaders

who close ranks to combat the illegal armed factions

and militias that take the lives of dozens of Iraqis

everyday. It needs leaders who would sit together to

agree on the shape and future of the State of Iraq in the

Iraqi Constitution, which we believe should express the

hopes and dreams of all Iraqis without exclusion or

marginalization. It should build a modern developed

State that is enriched by its diversity and that does not

allocate its posts on the basis of sect or ethnic

background in a manner that causes tension and

increases discord.

Egypt reiterates the importance of the unity,

sovereignty and territorial integrity of Iraq in a manner

that enjoys the consensus of all Iraqis. We also reiterate

the need for foreign interventions to cease influencing

developments in that sisterly country. Egypt reaffirms

its full support for any regional or international effort

that assists Iraqis to overcome this difficult situation.

By the same token, Egypt will continue to consistently

call upon Iraqis to show unity and engage in dialogue

in order to restore and strengthen trust among them.

Brotherly Lebanon is also going through a

sensitive crisis. The prospects for settling that crisis

seem remote and difficult in view of internal

differences and the regional tug-of-war. The situation

in Lebanon is delicate and must not be burdened by the

weight of the conflicts raging in the region. Therefore,

Egypt has consistently called for Lebanon to be left to

its people to determine what they wish for themselves.

We continue to encourage Lebanon’s politicians to

engage in dialogue among themselves. It is our hope

that they will be able to deal with the upcoming

entitlements, foremost and most important among

which are the presidential elections, in a manner

consistent with the Lebanese Constitution and that

would enable them to preserve Lebanon’s

constitutional institutions and the proud achievements

of its democracy. The Lebanese model of coexistence

is significant and should not be allowed to suffer a

setback similar to that suffered in the past. Egypt will

work with all parties to achieve that objective.

Since the onset of its crisis, the Darfur region of

Sudan has witnessed difficult conditions. This has

required time, effort and hard work from all of us to

defuse that crisis and to reach a settlement that would

ensure for the whole population of the region the right

to a decent life. Egypt welcomed the broad concern of

the international community over those difficult

conditions and sought, in cooperation with concerned

international and regional parties, to bring the parties

in the crisis close to each other.

As concrete proof of its concern for the

stabilization of the situation in Darfur, Egypt has

offered a generous contribution of nearly 3,500 troops

to the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation

in the region. That offer still stands. In addition, Egypt

has contributed to the development of the region by

drilling 40 boreholes that would make water resources

available to larger numbers of people in Darfur.

Egypt profoundly believes in the three main

pillars of international disarmament treaties:

non-proliferation, disarmament and the inherent right

of every State to the peaceful use of nuclear energy. In

1995, Egypt accepted the indefinite extension of the

Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons

within an integrated package that included a resolution

calling upon all States of the region without exception,

to accede to the Treaty and compelling those States

responsible for the maintenance of international

security to discharge their responsibilities. However,

this objective is still to be achieved because Israel has

not yet acceded to the Treaty despite all the

international and regional calls on it to do so.

Today’s world is regrettably witnessing an

imbalance and double standards in dealings with the

various parties that have nuclear ambitions, potential or

expertise. Egypt believes that the international

disarmament and non-proliferation system will be

strengthened and that regional security in the Middle

East will be reinforced only when a single standard is

applied equally to all the States of the region without

exception.

The previous session witnessed many serious

efforts and consultations concerning the question of the

reform and expansion of the Security Council. Despite

the plethora of consultations, meetings and endeavours,

this objective remains elusive. As a member of the

African Group, Egypt once again states its full

commitment to the specifics of the unified African

position. It remains a fair and balanced position that

would, if implemented, achieve legitimate African

aspirations. I cannot fail to refer here to the fact that

the reform of the working methods of the Security

Council is a genuine objective in itself that must not

fade or be obscured by the attempts of some to expand

the Council.

We have plenty of work to do, but since time is

short I would like to say that the state of our world is

no cause for rejoicing. Rather it is a cause for concern.

This requires us to work together with open minds in

order to change it for the better, and in order to meet

the aspirations of our peoples to freedom, justice, a

dignified life, security and peace.

During this session, Egypt will raise and defend

the priorities and visions I have put forward in this

statement along with a host of other subjects that time

did not allow me to address. It is our hope that we will

all write in responding to the challenges facing us. We

all bear responsibility and will all suffer the

consequences of failure.