Poland, 1982

We are extremely pleased to see a representative

of the sister Hungarian People's Republic elected

to the high office of President of the current

session of the General Assembly. Your election,

Sir, testifies to the high standing of socialist

Hungary and its peaceful policy in world affairs,

it is a personal tribute to you by the

international community. We sincerely

congratulate you and wish you new successes in

your work for the benefit of the Organization.

We also address our friendly wishes for all

success and determination to the new Secretary-

General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar.

I wish to assure you, Mr. President, and the

Secretary-General that Poland is as intent as

ever on making a constructive contribution to the

proceedings of another session of the General

Assembly. The Polish delegation has come to the

present session at a critical juncture in

Poland's history. Last December our country found

itself confronted with an alternative: descent

into the abyss of fratricidal bloodshed, which

was the goal of the enemies of socialism and

forces of anarchy, or temporary recourse to

emergency measures to steer Poland out of a

profound crisis. The supreme interest of the

nation and the State bade us, in compliance with

the Consti¬tution of the Polish People's

Republic, to proclaim martial law. Its purpose,

as we stated in the official notification in

pursuance of article 4 of the Interna¬tional

Covenant on Civil and Political Rights was to

reverse an excep¬tionally serious public

emergency threatening the life of the nation and

to create the conditions for the effective

protection of Poland's sovereignty and

independence.

We are deeply convinced that the proclamation of

martial law ultimately serves not only the most

vital interests of Poland but also peace and

security in Europe, for any dangerous development

in the situation in my country, located as it is

in the very heart of the European continent,

could have disas¬trous consequences, especially

as various forces hostile to detente have pinned

on this hopes of under¬mining the existing

relationship of forces.

The origins of the causes and determinant factors

which have led to the present situation in my

country are complex. We have explained them on

numerous occasions; they are on record in the

authoritative statements of the supreme organs of

State. Those abroad who were willing to

understand them did understand. Others failed to

show sufficient good will and respect for the

norms of international relations to leave Polish

affairs to Poles. For no one knows or can know

better than the Poles themselves what is good and

right for Poland.

The proclamation of martial law in Poland,

ratified in the Act passed by Parliament on 25

January this year, complied with all the

requirements of the law. From first to last it

was a sovereign Polish, and solely Polish,

decision. No constitutional body, including the

Parliament and the Government it had duly

constituted, ceased to function as a consequence.

They all continue to shoulder their great

responsi¬bility for the destinies of the nation

and the State, in a situation in which the

survival and the future of independent Poland,

for which many generations have fought, were at

stake. At the price of emergency measures

introduced on a temporary basis, Poland was

spared a civil war. We know ourselves how high a

price this is, but it is not as supremely high as

would have been the loss, on a mass scale, of a

fundamental human right—the right to life. No one

is entitled to try to raise this price. More than

once in the past Polish blood has been shed, and

not always in the interests of the people of

Poland. We are learning the lessons of history.

In the passing months the Tightness of our

indispensable decisions has been confirmed. They

halted the process of disintegration of the State

and collapse of the economy; they stopped the

dangerous drift towards internationalization of

the Polish crisis. Despite difficulties, the

country's political and eco¬nomic life is

proceeding towards normalization, to the

accompaniment of a significant relaxation of the

rigours of martial law.

We do see the possibility of lifting the existing

restrictions. We are determined to advance

patiently and unswervingly along a path of

national dialogue and accord, guided by realism

and good will. We shall consistently follow the

programme of the ninth Con¬gress of the Polish

United Workers' Party—the socialist renewal of

political, social and economic life, and the

guarantees of socialist democracy. We shall

develop it with absolute single-mindedness, with

Polish hands and Polish minds and hearts.

Unfortunately, some Western Government , in

particular the United States Administration, and

also imperialist propaganda centres, have decided

to take advantage of developments in our country

to start a violent and anti-Polish campaign. It

is being conducted with a wilful incomprehension

of Poland's raison d'etat and is based on a

one-sided, tendentious appraisal of the situation

as well as on false stereotypes. It has made

Poland an object of inadmissible inter¬ference in

its internal affairs and a target of economic

blackmail. At the same time, all the weapons to

be found in the arsenal of a propaganda

aggression and instruction in subversion are

being deployed against us. Indeed they bespeak

attempts at a primitively conceived

ideologization of international relations and

translation of the relics of McCarthyism into

this sphere.

The opponents of peace in our country seem to be

turning a blind eye to the massive process of

positive change that is taking place in all areas

of public life. We are carrying out an economic

reform, backed by a broad network of new

legislation. This includes important laws for the

implementation of the reform—on State enterprises

and workers' self- management in a State

enterprise. The proclamation of martial law has

in no way interrupted the work of legislative

organs or the introduction of new legal

regulations in major spheres of the country's

social and economic life.

A National Council for Culture and a

Parlia¬mentary Economic and Social Council, as

well as other organs pursuing important national

issues, have been established. The Teachers'

Charter, laws on higher education, on special

rights of war veterans and on co-operatives were

passed in Parliament. Intensive work continues on

press legislation and on the law on trade unions.

In the light of the foregoing, how would one

assess in the United Nations the attacks against

Poland, launched and conducted with unusual

vicious- ness by certain Governments? We have

already officially drawn these actions to the

attention of the Governments on whose inspiration

or from whose territories they are undertaken.

Most of them, and especially radio programmes in

the Polish language, consist of propaganda, based

on attacking the country's internal order and

incitement to change its socio-political system.

In recent months they have acquired all the

features of a propaganda aggression against

, Poland. This cannot but amount to a

contravention of the purposes and principles of

the Charter of the United Nations and a violation

of the norms formu¬lated so far by the

international community in the Held of

information and mass communication, including in

particular those of the United Nations and

UNESCO. This has nothing to do with the right to

freedom of information and the concept of its

balanced flow. On the contrary, it represents

their most evident abuse.

It is also hard to resist surprise at the

behaviour of certain Governments which seem

deliberately to obstruct the functioning of the

Polish economy. Do they not realize that they are

thereby weakening Poland's Payment capacities?

After all, the country's discharge of its

financial obligations depends on the rate at

which its economic balance can be restored. As

far as this is concerned, we shall not be found

wanting in resolve. We therefore welcome

initiatives for the development of equitable and

mutually profitable co¬operation with Poland. An

altogether different approach, however, is taken

by certain quarters in the North Atlantic Treaty

Organization [NATO]. When observing their

unfriendly and, indeed, unrealistic attitude

towards Poland, when listening to their warnings

and "advice" addressed to us, one is tempted to

ask: have these gentlemen by any chance forgotten

to whom they are speaking, have they forgotten

that Poland is not part of NATO but it is and

shall remain a sovereign and inseparable

component of the community of socialist States?

If the object of all anti-Polish actions is to

force us to back down and abandon the socialist

path of development, we can only answer in the

words of Prime Minister Wojciech Jaruzelski:

"Poland has never yet bowed to a foreign

ulti¬matum. Evidently not all abroad understand

our history, our sense of pride and dignity.

There are contradictions and conflicts in our

country., But it is not foreigners who are going

to resolve them".

We gratefully acknowledge the attitude of our

friends and partners who hurried forward with

assistance at a difficult time for us, who

displayed an understanding of our problems and

continue to help us overcome them. Especially

priceless is the aid of our neighbour and closest

ally, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. If

friends in need are friends indeed, so today

again we are realizing who our true friend is.

We reciprocate the understanding and sympathy of

the developing countries which perceive in our

situation a reflection of some of their own

problems. We see in their attitude a fellow

feeling of reciprocity for the numerous instances

of Poland's resolute commitment to the struggle

against colonialism, neo¬colonialism and

imperialism.

We also appreciate the attitude of those Western

States which have not submitted to pressure and

continue their normal relations with Poland.

We should like to believe that there will soon be

a return to dialogue with all our remaining

part¬ners on a basis of mutual respect for

sovereignty and equality. In this spirit, we

uphold as being still timely the appeal made, in

July last year, by the ninth Congress of the

Polish United Workers' Party to our partners in

the West to intensify frank dialogue and

exploration of ways of averting cold-war threats

and preserving what has so far been achieved by

detente. The internal affairs of any country,

Poland included, must not be exploited for the

purpose of exacerbating international tension and

intensifying the arms race.

I declare with absolute firmness: it is not

Poland which is upsetting international

relations. They are being upset by those who wish

to take advantage of the internal situation in

our country as one of the pretexts to stifle

detente and impose a new "cold war" on the world,

to divert attention from their own doings aimed

against other nations and against peace.

An ominous spectre is haunting the world—the

spectre of nuclear war. Its danger is more

evident today than ever before, as it is openly

spoken of and is being prepared in the open. The

genuine aspirations of the peoples lie on the

side of peace. The first and supreme duty of

politicians and Governments in the sphere of

international relations is to keep awakening and

perpetuating these aspirations and to do all they

can to banish for ever an apocalyptic vision of

the world. Whoever is unfaithful to this duty,

whoever ignores his own and his country's

responsibility for international peace and

security and embarks on generating tension,

escalating armaments and preaching intolerance,

is betraying the trust of his own people, is

striking at its peaceful aspirations and is no

longer fit to voice them.

We are witnessing disregard for the interests and

security of States. This is destroying the

labor¬iously assembled record of coexistence and

detente and undermining the recognized

foundations of inter¬national security, including

the purposes and principles of the Charter of the

United Nations. The year that has passed since

the thirty-sixth regular session of the General

Assembly has regrettably seen the dangerous

trends in the world grow stronger and many of

them acquire the features of no less than

political and military adventurism.

Obsession with nuclear superiority and pursuit of

an illusory security through remorseless

expansion of military arsenals are intensifying

the arms spiral, destabilizing military balance

and undermining interna¬tional confidence.

Peace is awaited in the Middle East. The bloody

massacre of the defenceless population in Beirut

has appalled the international community. A

heinous crime has been committed before the eyes

of the whole world. We most resolutely condemn it

as well as its instigators, perpetrators and

protectors. The genuine aspirations for a just

and durable peace, challenged by the aggressive

policies of Israel, have been expressed by the

Arab World at the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference

at Fez. The consistent policy of the socialist

States, which has recently been spelled out in

the six-point plan by Leonid Brezhnev, is aimed

at ensuring lasting peace in that region of the

world. Peace in the Middle East cannot be a sum

total of separatist endeavours and agreements but

a collective and comprehensive settlement that

respects the fundamental and just rights of all

its parties, and in particular the right of the

people of Palestine to establish its own State.

A tragic harvest is being reaped by the Iran-Iraq

conflict. Events in that sensitive region today

cheer the enemies of peace and of third world

unity.

The pressure of retrograde relics of colonialism,

neo colonialism and racism continues

undiminished. In particular, the lack of a

settlement in Namibia that would accord with the

just aspirations of its people fortifies the

South African regime in its arrogance and

aggressiveness, not only there but also at home,

towards its own population, the victims of

apartheid Attempts are being made to spread

confronta¬tion and tension to all continents. The

dangerous quality of the international situation

at the beginning of the 1980s is not, however, a

result of factors beyond human control. More than

two years ago, the States parties to the Warsaw

Treaty noted in their declara¬tion that the main

threat to peace and detente lies in the arms

race, encouraged by cold-war quarters and

military and industrial complexes, as well as in

the attempts to revive a policy based on a

position of strength. This appraisal is

substantiated by the present policies of ruling

circles of NATO which are at variance with the

basic requirements of international realities and

are founded on an over-estimation of their own

capabilities and an under estimation of those of

others. Serious threats arise from the

increasingly frequent attempts to globalize the

NATO theatre of operations.

The picture of the contemporary world is not made

up only of disturbing trends and actions. The

world's progress towards peace is actively

affected nowadays by a constructive factor—the

community of socialist States. Faithful to the

unchanged guide¬lines of their foreign policy,

members of our com¬munity continue persistently

to oppose the policy of armament and to

counteract the threat of nuclear war. They

resolutely declare themselves in favour of a

peaceful and just settlement of the problems of

the world of today, for detente and the

strengthening of international security, the

elimination of conflicts and trouble spots, as

well as the expansion of all-round equitable and

mutually beneficial international co¬operation.

It would be hard, too, not to perceive the

profound interest in expanding constructive

co¬operation displayed by the non-aligned,

developing and neutral States. Longings to remove

the nuclear threat are surfacing with growing

force among broad sections of the public, in the

activities of social forces and religious

movements.

Despite their adversaries, detente tendencies

have been lastingly embodied in the record of

accom¬plishments of the international community.

We realize that in today's divided world, detente

is variously interpreted. But to consider it

solely in terms of short- term gains and losses

and to treat it expediently as a political

instrument that can be discarded once it has

ceased to serve one's momentary advantage reveals

a profound lack of understanding of the laws of

the contemporary world. For us it is the only

effective instrument in the search for solutions

to pressing world problems and for abiding

guarantees of peace. Indeed, these accord with

both the vital desires and interests of the

Polish people and the requirements of progress in

international relations. Polish foreign policy

remains one of steadfast actions on behalf of

detente and broad international dialogue. We have

borne witness to this from the very beginning of

Poland's membership in the United Nations,

including our active participation in the work of

the Security Council.

In a few days 25 years will have passed since

from this very rostrum Adam Rapacki presented a

Polish plan, known by his name, for the

denuclearisation of Central Europe.

Unceasing in our efforts, several years later we

presented a momentous regional initiative to

convene a European security conference. Its great

success should be attributed to the perseverance

and single- mindedness of the socialist States

and the under-standing of its significance by

other participants. Consummated by the Final Act

of Helsinki, the process of the Conference on

Security and Co¬operation in Europe stands out as

one of the most optimistic elements of

contemporary international politics and an

important confirmation of the genuine

opportunities that exist for a positive evolution

of East-West relations, which exert their

decisive impact on the general climate of world

affairs.

The closeness of Europe's impingement on our

destinies in no way obscures our perception of

the wider international horizon, with all its

determinants and needs. The interdependence of

individual regions and the world as a whole has

been the guiding factor in a number of Polish

initiatives of a global nature, to mention only

the Declaration on the Preparation of Societies

for Life in Peace, adopted by the General

Assembly in resolution 33/73. Implementation in

good faith by all States of its weighty

provisions would help to build firm foundations

for peace and co-operation, free from prejudice,

arrogance and ill will.

The lasting record of Poland's foreign policy

comprises the process of the normalization of our

relations with the Federal Republic of Germany

initiated by the treaty of December 19707 That

treaty is of historic significance for the two

nations as well as for a constructive development

of the European situation and the security of our

continent. Practical implementation of its

principles has yielded positive results, both for

the two parties and for Europe at large. Poland

is invariably motivated by the need for that

process to be continued and, for its part, is

ready to make a further contribution to its

favourable advance. We expect also that the

Federal Republic of Germany in its policy in

relation to Poland will still be guided by its

obligations under the treaty and by the supreme

interests of European security and peace.

Throughout the history of the Organization we

have often heard it asked from this rostrum: what

must be done to save mankind from the tragedy

that would result from negative actions of

certain States if not checked in time? We ask the

question again, conscious as we are of its acute

relevance and urgency. The most pressing task at

present is to prevent a further deterioration of

the situation which, inter alia, amounts to

breaking the deadlock in disarmament negotiations

and talks aimed at eliminating conflicts.

The Polish Government has therefore par¬ticularly

welcomed the commencement of Soviet-American

talks on the limitation and reduction of nuclear

arms in Europe and on strategic arms limitation

and their reduction. They both fit the formula,

from which all stand to benefit, of strengthening

interna¬tional peace and security, that is,

limitation and containment of the arms race as

well as disarmament, which the Organization

considers to be the most important problem facing

the world today. The world awaits rapid and

concrete results from these talks.

It '<= also in the perspective of results that we evaluate the second special

session of the General Assembly devoted to

disarmament. We do not con¬ceal the fact that we

find them insufficient by far. Nevertheless, the

fact that the session was held in so complicated

an international situation can be regarded as a

positive development. Moreover, it witnessed an

event of the calibre of an historic pre¬cedent:

one of the nuclear Powers assumed a solemn

obligation not to be the first to use nuclear

weapons. It would be hard to exaggerate the

momentousness of that Soviet decision. If some

other Powers see in it alleged undertones of

propaganda, we can only encourage them to make

similar "propaganda" by pledging also that they

will not be the first ever to use nuclear weapons.

The objectives of the special session were

further helped by other important Soviet

decisions, including the unilateral moratorium on

deployment of medium-range missiles in the

European part of the USSR and a unilateral

reduction of a considerable number of such

missiles. Taken in conjunction with the whole

complex of issues put forward by the Soviet

Union, at the twelfth special session, : the

memorandum entitled "Averting the growing nuclear

threat"* and in the proposal entitled "Basic

provisions of a convention on the prohibition of

the development, production and stockpiling of

chemical weapons and on their destruction",* all

these decisions and pro¬posals add up to a new

and constructive impetus enhancing an effective

disarmament dialogue on a basis of equality,

reciprocity and undiminished secu¬rity of any

party.

133. For the time being, even partial progress in

arms limitation and disarmament can exert a

positive influence on the growth of the sense of

security of States and thus on their readiness to

enter into dialogue and deal with critical

political problems. Among issues of primary

importance that also appear on the agenda of this

session are banishing the danger of an outbreak

of nuclear war, eliminating chemical weapons, and

forestalling an arms race in outer space In the

light of the insane doctrines concerning the

possibility of limited or local nuclear war, and

even of winning a nuclear war, the Organization

is facing tasks of a sempiternal order.

In the province of closest interest to us, we are

in favour of promptly restoring the business-like

nature of the proceedings of the Madrid session

of the Con¬ference on Security and Co-operation

in Europe, including the adoption of a decision

to convene a conference on confidence-building

measures and disarmament in Europe. That would

also facilitate progress in the Vienna Talks on

the Mutual Reduction of Forces, Armaments and

Associated Measures in Central Europe.

Other political issues await settlement, and they

can be well served by the constructive proposals

of the Sixth Conference of the Ministers for

Foreign Affairs of the Lao People's Democratic

Republic, the People's Republic of Kampuchea and

the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam relating to

the situation in their region and especially to

non-interference in the internal affairs of the

People's Republic of Kampuchea and recognition of

its rightful place in the United

Nations. Still of great significance are

the initiatives of the Government of Afghanistan

concerning the situation in South West Asia and

also the proposals of the Korean People's

Democratic Republic for the settlement of the

Korean question. They all have our full support.

Viewing international security in purely military

terms no longer meets the requirements of the

times. The Government of Poland believes that the

present- day catalogue of confidence-building

measures will be incomplete until and unless it

incorporates effective economic

confidence-building measures. Their object should

be to counteract the transfer of tensions to the

sphere of economic and trade co-operation and so

enable it to become a permanent material

foundation for the process of detente and a

factor easing political strain. Our concept of

economic confidence-building measures encompasses

the prohibition of unlawful economic restrictions

and discrimination as well asthe pursuit by

Governments of an active policy to induce

economic units to discharge in full obligations

incurred under relevant international

instruments. We consider the adoption of

large-scale and long-term projects in the basic

fields of international economic co-operation to

be an important element of economic confidence

building.

We are convinced that the elaboration and

subsequent adoption and implementation of a set

of economic confidence-building measures would

also make an important contribution to the

furtherance of the progressive ideas and

objectives of the new international economic

order, and of sound solutions within the global

negotiations.

The existence of the United Nations and its

accomplishments and experience are proof that a

com¬prehensive programme of positive action on an

inter¬national scale is feasible even today, when

various adverse developments in the world have

led to. the weakening of the Organization as a

recognized political authority and forum for the

easing of conflicts. Con¬vincing reference to

that effect has been made by the

Secretary-General in his enlightening report on

the work of the Organization.

The United Nations grew out of the good win of

nations and Governments. Whenever that good will

is lacking, the threshold of its capacity for

effective action is lowered. To act in the

interests of strengthening the role of the United

Nations and the principles of its Charter is to

invest in it the confidence and political good

will of Member States. The success of the

founding fathers of the United Nations 37 years

ago arose Rom the way in which, after the great

tragedy of destruction and suffering, the common

interest prevailed over that of the individual.

The desire to secure one-sided advantages today

only too often takes precedence over the common

good. We have to overcome this tendency and

return to the main underlying ideas of the

Organization. Poland is ready to continue to act

for the benefit of the supreme common purposes of

the United Nations.