Poland, 1999

Please accept my

congratulations, Sir, on your election to the presidency of

the General Assembly at its current session. We are indeed

glad to have a distinguished statesman from Africa

presiding over important deliberations on global security

and development. I am sure that your personal attributes, as

well as your diplomatic skills, will ensure the success that

is expected from the Assembly. The delegation of Poland

will do its best to assist you in your important functions.

My compliments go also to the President of the General

Assembly at its fifty-third session, Mr. Didier Opertti of

Uruguay, for the outstanding commitment he demonstrated

during his presidency.

It is with satisfaction that we welcome in our midst

the new Members of the United Nations: the Republic of

Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga.

It was with the utmost attention that we listened to the

Secretary-General's introduction of his report on the work

of the Organization. His interesting and highly stimulating

ideas will guide us throughout the whole fifty-fourth session

of the General Assembly. May I assure the

Secretary-General of our deep respect and support for all

his endeavours.

In my statement today, I wish to focus on the three

issues which, in my view, are at the centre of discussions

within this Organization. These are, first, human

freedoms, and in particular the question of rethinking the

principle of national sovereignty and non-interference;

secondly, current challenges to the United Nations

Charter-based system of international security; and

thirdly, coping with contradictions of globalization

through better international cooperation.

We have recently been witnessing new, painful

manifestations of ethnic hatred in Kosovo. Armed clashes

have again shaken the north Caucasus. East Timor is

another example of intolerance and the folly of violence.

We pay homage to the victims of this violence. But the

people in all the crisis-stricken areas expect more from us

than just words of sympathy.

We should pose ourselves some questions: could

these new outbursts of conflict have been prevented? Is

there a political will to head them off in the future? If the

answer is positive, then what should be done to translate

our political commitment into action in a concerted and

effective way? How should the system of international

relations be improved to give people the hope that they

will not be left defenceless in the face of genocide and

persecution?

The United Nations Charter-based system of

international security was born of the lessons of a

devastating world war which started with blatant

violations of sovereignty of States. To address this reality,

the system of international law and institutions was

rightly geared to give those nations a sense of security

and to prevent inter-State conflict. Most of today's

conflicts, however, are of an intra-State nature. They stem

from human rights abuses, social tensions or the collapse

of State structures. Can we tackle the new challenges with

existing concepts and notions only?

We have come to understand that absolute

sovereignty and total non-interference are no longer

tenable. There is not, and there cannot be, a sovereign

right to ethnic cleansing and genocide. We have learned

that what should not be repeated is the unacceptable

inaction which occurred in the past, such as in the

Rwandan crisis. Rwanda demonstrates what Kosovo might

have become had we not intervened in 1999. Kosovo

demonstrates what Rwanda might have been had we

intervened in 1994. The burden of responsibility is

enormous, the lesson clear.

5

At the same time, we should follow the principle that

our responsibility is the same for all ethnic groups. In

Kosovo the ethnic cleansing of Albanians by Serbs has

been stopped and reversed, but now we witness that the

presence of Serbs and Roma in Kosovo is under threat.

In this decade the international community has through

its actions — recently in Kosovo and in East Timor —

recognized the universal political and moral imperative to

act in order to stop gross and systematic violations of

human rights.

This recognition, setting aside the distinction between

inter- and intra-State conflicts, reflects the spirit of the

Charter of the United Nations.

Indeed, the central figure of the system of the United

Nations must be the human being — his or her right to a

peaceful life, to personal freedom, to a decent existence and

dignity. When human life and freedoms are assailed and

individual rights brutally violated, then we must not remain

indifferent and unconcerned: we cannot stand idle.

The imperative to act raises the question of the right

to act. We have recognized that the walls of sovereignty

cannot be used to conceal and legitimize the abuse of

human rights and fundamental freedoms. Sovereignty

cannot mean impunity for genocide and human rights

abuses.

Let us all remember that it remains one of the

fundamental objectives of the United Nations

“to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the

dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal

rights of men and women and of nations large and

small”.

The primacy of the human person and human rights,

however, has to be adequately reflected in the application

of international law. This is not an easy task, first, because

there are still too many cases where behind hypocritical

lip-service to human rights there exist practices of curbing

and limiting those rights for the sake of preserving political

power; secondly, because the legal framework of

intervention, which should ensure the possibility of quick

and effective action, is too often distorted by selective and

subjective interpretations.

On the one hand, the banner of humanitarian

intervention should not be used as a pretext for imposing

political control and domination from the outside. We want

to make the walls of sovereignty surmountable, but not

for all purposes. On the other hand, the principle of

humanitarian intervention has to be fairly and consistently

applied to avoid double standards.

The development of international law should thus

uphold the basic truth that a sustainable, lasting and

secure order in international relations can be built only on

the freedom of the human being.

The principle of solidarity in international relations

should grow in importance, since it also provides the key

to the effectiveness of the mission of the United Nations.

Acting for universal observance of human rights

while preserving the necessary content of the notion of

sovereignty raises the question of the best strategies for

humanitarian intervention. We have but to agree that

intervention by force is an instrument of last resort. What

is preferable is an early and cooperative engagement to

correct the practices that give rise to concern. There is no

doubt that armed intervention is a sign of the failure of

cooperative methods.

We support wholeheartedly the efforts to foster a

new culture of prevention. The basis for this philosophy

should be the universal recognition that international

commitments undertaken by States in the field of human

rights are matters of direct and legitimate concern to other

States as well, before their abuse degenerates into a threat

to international peace and security. Human rights do not

belong exclusively to the internal affairs of States.

The present session of the General Assembly will

lead us into the year 2000. Let this symbolic date inspire

us to reflect upon the mission of the United Nations, to

make the millennium summit a truly meaningful event.

On the eve of the next millennium, the world still needs

the United Nations, while the United Nations needs a new

vision. Faced with new and more demanding challenges,

we are of the opinion that the solutions to them require

joint and concerted actions by the whole community of

States. The United Nations needs a reinforced

commitment by its Member States to the purposes and

principles enshrined in the Charter.

Let us try to find new strength for the Organization

by reaching back to the intellectual and normative origins

of the United Nations. Contrary to some assertions, we

believe that the Charter is not outdated in its basic

message. What it needs is a new, fresh and visionary

reading in the context of new international realities and

6

challenges. For example, with respect to Chapter VIII of

the Charter, we note that many of today's conflicts are local

in nature. It is for this reason that the relationship between

the United Nations and regional security needs to be further

explored.

Those actors who are closer to events and have a

larger stake in regional stability might be the ones who

would be willing to react more promptly and with greater

determination. This is why Poland supports increased

responsibility of regional organizations for conflict

prevention and crisis management. In regions where such

organizations exist and have the necessary potential, they

should be involved more actively in solving substantial

problems. One possible example of how to use them

constructively is the Organization for Security and

Cooperation in Europe.

Thus, the key to effective use of the principle of

subsidiarity is closer political and operational cooperation

between the Security Council and regional organizations.

A debate on United Nations reform has been going on

for a number of years. The fiftieth anniversary of the

Organization stimulated the discussion, which resulted in a

universal understanding of the need for changes. Many of

those changes have already been implemented, thanks to the

tireless efforts of the Secretary-General. This process

should, however, be deepened and accelerated. The Security

Council offers a case in point.

The Security Council, upon which primary

responsibility has been conferred for the maintenance of

international peace and security, occasionally finds it

difficult to act in situations of inter-State or local armed

conflicts, even when those situations have a dangerous

spillover potential. Whether for reasons of broad ideological

motivations or narrow national interests, members can block

vitally needed decisions, and adversely affect the security

of certain regions. How are we to eliminate situations in

which the Security Council is prevented from taking up its

responsibilities? How are we to increase the effectiveness

of the Security Council, combining effectiveness with

enhanced representativeness? Reform of the Security

Council is long overdue: let us undertake a decisive effort

to make it a reality. Let us think anew of how to strengthen

the authority of the Council and preclude the possibility that

its decisions will be ignored or misimplemented by

individual States.

(spoke in French)

A few weeks ago, two young Africans froze to death

on their flight between Conakry and Brussels. They had

stowed away in the landing gear of the aircraft. They left

behind a moving appeal addressed to the people and

politicians in charge in Europe that has already been

quoted in this Hall. In view of the special nature of that

appeal, I should once again like to quote from it. They

wrote:

“Help us. ... We are suffering enormously in Africa.

... We have war, disease and we lack food. ... We

wish to be educated and we ask you to help us so

that we can study and be, in Africa, just the same as

you are”.

There is no more eloquent appeal to people's hearts and

consciences than those words of despair written by

children.

We must find the right solutions to the social and

economic failures, to the threats and to the lack of

prospects that people and societies face and consider the

urgent need to change the present framework of

international cooperation. Frustration and the lack of

social action cause conflict and a lack of stability. We

must think about how to integrate our social and

economic programmes with the general imperative of the

new culture of prevention.

Poland is prepared to participate in these efforts, the

aim of which is to build a world based on these

principles. However, our resources are limited. Our

country is only just emerging from a period of major

economic crisis caused by the communist system and its

centralized planning, with its waste and bad management.

Even so, we are now creating a complex and effective

system of cooperation for development that will

demonstrate our commitment in poverty eradication

activities. At the same time, we are prepared to share with

other countries the development experience we ourselves

have acquired during the process of reform of our

political and economic systems over the last 10 years of

transformation.

Globalization must become a process with a human

face. Certain basic principles must be better integrated

into the development machinery: specifically, solidarity;

combating marginalization; responsibility; and equal

opportunity. Combating marginalization: that of the least

developed countries, which do not yet enjoy the benefits

7

of globalization. Responsibility: that of Governments in

implementing policies of good governance, in respecting

human rights and in being aware that the well-being of all

people everywhere is just as important as the well-being of

their own nations. Equal opportunity: for the poorest, and

those who are still sidelined by society. And solidarity: in

facing our common challenges — terrorism, organized

crime, environmental threats, natural disasters, AIDS —

together.

Unfortunately, we still have much left to do before we

attain these goals. The 1999 United Nations Development

Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report provides

fresh, shocking evidence of social breakdown and threats to

human security. The challenges I have just mentioned are

just part of a more universal question: how can we respond

to the new realities of the world? Global policies have not

been fully adapted to cover the increasing number of

complicated and contradictory phenomena that cannot be

tackled with traditional diplomatic instruments. The process

of designing policies is still basically the job of individual

nations, whereas the challenges we are facing require

creative cooperation at the global level. It is for this reason

that, Governments must further integrate the idea of

international cooperation into their national policies, while

avoiding the temptation of authoritarianism. This, however,

highlights the urgent need to revise and strengthen our

institutional arrangements regarding the design of global

policy, particularly with regard to the most complex

problems of trade, finance and the environment.

International cooperation must be more open to other

actors in civil society by reflecting the rich network of

relationships. While several countries are re-evaluating their

national policies, democratizing their societies, privatizing

their national economies and decentralizing economic and

political power, at the international level we are, broadly

speaking, still confining ourselves to conventional

intergovernmental actions. The United Nations must

promote active international cooperation whereby

governments and the various sectors of civil society act

together towards common goals.

In this connection, we welcome the “Partners for

Development” initiative of the Secretary-General of the

United Nations Conference on Trade and Development

(UNCTAD). By breaking from normal practice, this will

allow more active participation by the public and private

sectors and by representatives of government and the

business and intellectual worlds in resolving various

complex development problems.

(spoke in English)

As someone who has witnessed the atrocities but

also the tremendous progress that the twentieth century

has brought us, I look towards the coming century with

much optimism. This optimism is justified first and

foremost by the liberation of nations and peoples, the

wave of democratization, the market reforms all over the

world and the universal understanding of human rights

ideals. Fewer people live in constant fear of arbitrary

arrest, torture or worse. I also look towards the coming

century with hope because I see the predominant will to

consolidate those recent achievements.