General Debate, session 57

Poland, 2002

Speaker
Wladzimierz Cimoszewicz 2 statements
Post
Minister for Foreign Affairs
Session
57th, 2002
Member state
Poland
Length
1,664 words

Statement as recorded

I convey my

congratulations to Mr. Jan Kavan on his election to the

presidency of this body. I should also like to express

once again to Secretary-General Kofi Annan my

highest appreciation and to assure him of my support.

It is with satisfaction that Poland welcomes in our

midst the newest Member of the United Nations,

Switzerland, and looks forward to welcoming soon the

Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste.

Wisława Szymborska, the Polish poet and Nobel

Prize winner, wrote the following words dedicated to

the victims of 11 September:

“They plunged down from heights ablaze ...

For them, I can do but two things — depict their

flight and leave the last sentence unfinished ...”

I believe that every one of us travelling to this

brave city shared similar thoughts. All of us must have

asked ourselves what is being expected of us, where we

are today and what obligations we are to fulfil to

ensure that such horror never happens again. No doubt,

11 September was a wake-up call for all of us. It may

have not changed the world, but it certainly has

fundamentally changed the way we perceive it. History

has yet again given us the responsibility to face the

challenge and to leave a better and safer world for

future generations. But then, after all, is that not what

we are really here for?

Many of my colleague representatives touched

upon that issue in recent days. The messages delivered

here just four days ago by Secretary-General Kofi

Annan and President George W. Bush are especially

significant. In that regard, we also share the opinions

expressed by a number of other speakers, in particular

by the Prime Minister of Denmark, Mr. Anders Fogh

Rasmussen, speaking in his capacity as the President of

the European Union.

Today the United Nations stands at a crossroads,

facing a choice that needs to be made. Either we will

find internal strength to stand up to the challenge and

prove that the United Nations is more than a mere

discussion forum or we will lose credibility forever.

Once again, as was the case at the inception of the

Organization over half a century ago, we must take the

issue of security seriously, especially as terrorism has

given it a new dimension.

As a founding Member of the United Nations,

Poland will continue to support all efforts aimed at

preserving the Organization's unique position. We fully

agree with what the Secretary-General said, that we can

only succeed if we make full use of multilateral

21

institutions. We share the position of President Bush

that the United Nations must be effective and

successful and that its resolutions must be enforced.

We are convinced that the Security Council must find

enough strength in the nearest future to set the course

for a decision-making process in the United Nations

aimed at concrete action. This time, we are left with a

very small margin. This is a test that international

community has to pass. Failure would undermine both

the integrity of the United Nations and the security of

the whole world.

I think the most appropriate motto for my further

reflections on the future of the United Nations is

contained in the Secretary-General's millennium

report. He wrote that

“If the international community were to

create a new United Nations tomorrow, its make-

up would surely be different from the one we

have.” (A/54/2000, para. 352)

It would be highly unfortunate if the millennium

report, and especially its conclusions relating to the

role of the United Nations and the reform of the

Organization, were to fade into oblivion. Only the

United Nations, given its exceptional legitimacy

stemming from the universal character of both its

membership and its mandate can — and, indeed, ought

to — rise to the challenges posed to the international

community. But for that to happen its prerogatives,

rules and instruments would have to be geared to the

needs of today and the threats of tomorrow.

We should consider the elaboration of a document

that would be neither a draft revision of the Charter nor

a supplement to it. What I would like to suggest is that

we make an attempt to acknowledge the new reality

and try a new road. I am by no means being original or

precedent-setting in calling for this. The Atlantic

Charter and the New Atlantic Charter, the 1975

Helsinki Final Act and the 1990 Charter of Paris for a

New Europe have all been there before. In other words,

adapting an organization's mandate to make it relevant

to new needs without actually revising its founding act

has already been tested.

There is a widespread sense that some provisions

of the United Nations Charter having actually become a

dead letter. That applies to both the substance of those

provisions and to the procedural solutions they offer.

Some of the Charter's provisions and organs have

completed the tasks assigned to them and are now

redundant. But the Organization does need new

mechanisms to run peacekeeping operations. It is

impossible to comprehend why we still keep in place

clauses on “enemy States” while the United Nations

has no regulations to properly address the problems

related to its humanitarian interventions. There is a

general acceptance of the need for clear lines to be

drawn to mark new areas of responsibility for a number

of important United Nations organs.

The values, purposes and principles of the United

Nations, enshrined in the Preamble and in Articles 1

and 2 of the Charter, have not lost their relevance.

They have stood the test of time. A document that

could be considered as a new act for the United

Nations at the dawn of the twenty-first century could

give fresh impetus to the principles, organs and

mechanisms of the United Nations and make them

more responsive to the needs and challenges that today

dominate the life of the international community. Let

me point out four groups of problems that should be

tackled, starting with new threats to security.

The Charter makes reference to threats

traditionally raised by States. The Charter's provisions

concerning the Security Council and its composition

and instruments, as well as the other Chapters dealing

with security, are now insufficient. That fact is borne

out by the numerous developments of recent years,

including the attack of 11 September and its

consequences.

Then there is acute poverty, which is evident in

many parts of the world; chronic underdevelopment;

pandemic disease; lack of education and medical care;

and deepening differences in living conditions and

developmental standards. All of these are unacceptable

politically and morally.

Human rights, the rule of law, democracy, good

governance and civil society make up the third group

of problems that I have been thinking about.

The fourth group is made up of themes related to

sustainable development. The focus on the protection

of the human habitat, which is indispensable to the

survival of the human race, and on the common

heritage of mankind.

Moreover, existing United Nations principles

must be expanded, or new ones developed, in order for

the Organization to pursue its actions along the

following three dimensions, namely, in manifestations

22

of multilateralism in the work of the United Nations

while reconciling broad representation and collectivism

with effectiveness; in the subsidiarity of the

Organization's work to better utilize the means and

resources available to Member States, specifically with

regard to United Nations regional arrangements; and,

finally, in getting non-governmental entities, including

private capital, involved in United Nations work in a

way that will not detract from the democratic nature of

the Organization nor erode its governmental character

and efficiency while increasing its resources and

effectiveness.

I dare say that no country, group of countries or

regional agencies meeting the Organization's criteria

would be capable of taking up the totality of problems

such an undertaking would have to address. Subject to

appropriate consultations involving the membership of

the Organization and the Secretary-General, we might

wish to establish a “group of sages” made up of

outstanding personalities. The group would draft an

appropriate document that would then be reviewed and

approved by Member States. That document should be

politically binding in nature, which would make it

complementary to the legal grounding contained in the

Charter and provide a platform for the United Nations

actions over the coming decades.

We should think about the future and work on its

foundations, but without losing sight of present-day

achievements. The enactment of the Statute of the

International Criminal Court is one such achievement.

It turns a new page in both international relations and

international law. It is Poland's desire for the treaty

establishing the Court to become one of the most

universal documents of its kind. We trust that the

existing divergences between respective stands and

views can be resolved through dialogue and

compromise, according to international law. We have to

act so as not to disappoint the hopes and expectations

that the international community has placed in the

Court.

A year ago, the whole world joined together in an

unprecedented demonstration of solidarity. Today we

are more aware of the source and the character of the

threat. We are also more capable of dealing with it.

Poland has joined the ongoing anti-terrorist operation.

Our soldiers are now deployed in Afghanistan,

alongside their colleagues from other countries, and are

doing their utmost to strengthen security there and to

help raise the country from the rubble and ruin inflicted

upon it by two decades of war and internal strife.

For us that is natural, but we cannot avoid asking

ourselves the question of whether we are any closer

today to fulfilling the ideals towards which we set sail

half a century ago. We now have another chance to

revitalize solidarity and work together for values that

are priceless both to us and to generations to come. Let

us all create an axis of good that will bring back the

proper meaning to the term we are so proud of, the

United Nations.

United Nations official records are in the public domain worldwide under administrative instruction ST/AI/189/Add.9/Rev.2.

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