New Zealand, 1992

Mr. President, New Zealand congratulates

you on your election to lead the Assembly and offers you its support in your

task.

One year ago I stood on this rostrum and spoke about the Gulf crisis and

the way in which the United Nations, with strong leadership from the Security

Council, had shown a firmness of judgement and a commitment to the ideals of

the founders of the United Nations that reinforced the status and authority of

the Organization.

I spoke of my own country. New Zealand, a small nation in the south-west

Pacific, which supported the United Nations, in keeping with our tradition of

opposing tyranny and supporting freedom.

This year I have returned to this Organization even more confident of the

vital role of the United Nations in today's world, of the important

contribution each nation, be it large or small, can make to the achievement of

its ideals. Most important, however, I want to affirm the commitment of New

Zealand, a founder member of the United Nations, to ensuring that this

Organization adapts to meet the challenge of a world that has changed, is

changing and will continue to change in the years ahead. To do that, the

United Nations requires a vibrant, active General Assembly and a Security

Council that truly reflects the different regions and the different peoples of

the world.

The Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros-Ghali,, has made his views clear in

putting before this Assembly his report, "An Agenda for Peace". His message

is summed up in paragraphs 75 and 76, where he says:

"With the cold war ended we have drawn back from the brink of a

confrontation that threatened the world and, too often, paralysed our

Organization.

"Even as we celebrate our restored possibilities, there is a need to

ensure that the lessons of the past ... are learned and that the

errors ... are not repeated. For there may not be a third opportunity

for our planet ... ." (A/47/277, paras. 75-76)

New Zealand endorses that conclusion.

We can also take hope from the fact that at last both the Security

Council and the Assembly have the chance to work as they were originally

intended, free from crippling ideological competition. Through the Security

Council, and with the support of all the Members of the United Nations, we

have seen decisive action to implement collective security measures on a scale

never before possible.

There is much still to be done, but no longer need the people of the

world despair about impotence and inaction on the part of the United Nations.

In Cambodia, in Somalia, in the Balkans, in the Middle East, the United

Nations has moved to assist in the vital battle for human survival where

before there was only the prospect of continued death and destruction.

In our view, the Agenda for Peace will succeed only if we support an

agenda for action. This is no time for complacency. The heavy cloud of the

cold war has lifted. But over the years that cloud concealed many smaller

conflicts and tensions regional, national and ethnic. Freed from being

bottled up by the cold war, a growing and frightening tendency is exposed to

settle ancient differences by the use of force.

The Agenda for Peace also reminds us that there are other critical issues

which threaten not only the security of Member States but also the future of

the planet itself.

Poverty, disease, malnutrition, crippling levels of debt and negligible

economic growth are scourges in themselves. They can unleash despair and

anger that will destabilize political and social institutions.

Environmental degradation does not threaten only our immediate

surroundings and livelihoods; problems such as the depletion of the ozone

layer, the spread of toxic chemicals, climate change and the overfishing of

the seas put at risk the well-being of whole communities, and even the very

survival of certain small island countries.

Weapons of mass destruction continue to proliferate. We must take a

stand against those who are blind to the lessons of the past and remain

determined to acquire or expand their stocks of nuclear or other weapons of

mass destruction.

The Secretary-General reminds us, too, that

"social peace is as important as strategic or political peace".

It is clear that a root cause of insecurity and conflict at the international

level is the existence of social structures, policies and systems within

States which marginalize minorities or other groups. Such tension will be

resolved only when the social needs of the underprivileged are addressed. The

proposed United Nations social Summit could have a catalytic role to play in

this area. I suggest that it is only through tolerance and through talking to

one another that we can all encourage and achieve full respect for human

rights and implement the international standards as they were intended.

The other very important issues raised by the Secretary-General must be

considered thoroughly. This session of the Assembly provides the first

opportunity to debate them and I wish to outline New Zealand's views.

First, let me refer to peace and security. New Zealand stands very

firmly behind the United Nations as an instrument for collective action when

security is threatened. The situations which the world wants the United

Nations to respond to today are not the same as those of the cold-war era.

New Zealand supports concepts such as preventive diplomacy, peace-keeping and

peace-building. As a world body we know that consensus is important but

collectively we must be bold, we must be innovative.

New Zealand believes it is vital that the United Nations respond to

situations which threaten the peace or cry out for global action, wherever in

the world they may occur. We cannot, we must not, allow parts of the world to

be marginalized or thought less important than others. The tragedy in Somalia

is different from, but of equal horror to, that in what was Yugoslavia.

Secondly, I want to endorse strongly the conclusion that there is an

inextricable link between security and economic development. This is not a

new or radical idea. Every political leader knows from domestic experience

that a nation feels more secure when its economy is performing strongly.

People in every country have rapidly growing expectations, but with the global

economy very sluggish leaders are finding it difficult to satisfy these

ambitions.

Further, we need major sustainable growth in the global economy if the

development concerns identified at the Earth summit at Rio are to be achieved.

One fact, though self-evident, must be repeated: sustainable and

equitable economic growth and development will be possible only if there is an

open and fair international trading system.

As a world community we need the courage to pull down the artificial

barriers to economic growth. The solution is in our hands. We need leaders

to say "Yes" to fair trade and "No" to their protectionist lobbies. If we

knock out the selfish and inward-looking tendencies to protectionism and

subsidization, we will create a surge in global trade and real growth in the

global economy. It will provide the opportunities we all want - so let's do

it.

The alternative is bleak. History shows only too clearly what can happen

if there is a deep and prolonged global recession. Political extremists come

to the fore and begin to manipulate desperate people. Disintegrating

economies fall into the hands of dictators, and international peace and

security are quickly put at risk.

But this need not be so. It is not inevitable. A breakthrough in the

multilateral trade negotiations, the Uruguay Round of the General Agreement on

Tariffs and Trade (GATT), is achievable, given the right degree of political

will. There is a risk that the political will may ebb away, that the focus

may be lost, that excuses for delay may become more important than reasons to

press on. Should that prove true, then the bold reform set out in the Dunkel

text will go down as one more lost opportunity. We cannot afford that so we

New Zealand - continue to urge the European Community and the United States to

resolve their differences and to put the GATT talks back on track for a

successful conclusion. For world economic growth, it is not an optional

extra; it is essential.

Just as economics and security are closely linked, the world seems to

have accepted, just in time, that there is a third element to this equation.

It is the environment. Everything we do has an impact on the environment. If

we cripple the environment, it will affect our economies, our societies and

our security. Moreover, these impacts will not respect national boundaries.

Before the Earth summit, some important first steps were taken. The

Montreal Protocol proved that the world had the political will to deal with

the problem of ozone depletion. The General Assembly itself responded to the

challenge of drift-net fishing and has secured a moratorium on that

ecologically-destructive technique of fishing.

The Earth summit, under the auspices of the United Nations, has given us

a challenging work programme, "Agenda 21", to match the Secretary-General's

proposals, "An Agenda for Peace". But international agendas only work if

nations are committed to their success.

New Zealand went to the Earth summit committed to working for consensus

solutions to the problems of environment and development which ultimately

threaten us all.

New Zealand is a country endowed with a rich environmental inheritance.

But we understand that our good fortune does not give us the moral right to

point the finger at other countries which are struggling for their very

survival. At the same time, our considerable experience in sustainable

resource management - for example, in the development of new forests can be

helpful in the search for practical solutions to problems of resource

depletion.

As part of New Zealand's commitment to environmental protection and to

providing sustainable resources, we have just agreed to go ahead with the

planting of another 200,000 hectares of forest.

At the Earth summit, we accepted a commitment to augment our aid

programme as soon as possible in order to assist in the prompt and effective

implementation of Agenda 21. Our development assistance projects, based on

consultation with our partner countries, particularly in the South Pacific,

have always had a strong focus on the environment and on sustainable

development.

But aid alone is not enough. New Zealand, like many countries which

depend on agricultural exports, has been severely disadvantaged by a world

trading system which handicaps non-subsidized and efficient producers. We

therefore strongly support the call in Agenda 21 for an open, transparent and

non-discriminatory trading system that reveals the real environmental costs of

unsustainable production and enables all countries to pursue truly sustainable

development on a secure and equitable basis.

To achieve that would be to achieve a real foundation for peace and

progress. I am not making these observations from an ivory tower. For its

part. New Zealand already has one of the most open economies in the world.

Yes, there was a short-term cost in achieving that, but now we are reaping

rewards through higher productivity and international competitiveness.

Despite the progress made from the ending of the cold war, we have not

yet removed the threat from weapons of mass destruction.

New Zealand warmly welcomed the agreement reached by President Bush and

President Yeltsin in June. The two largest nuclear arsenals are to be reduced

by some 70 per cent. That is remarkable progress and both leaders deserve and

have our thanks. They have made historic progress but we must keep the

momentum up. Unless we take decisive action, the dangers from nuclear

proliferation will increase.

Therefore we must build on the leadership shown by two nuclear-weapon

States in declaring moratoriums. We must advance the goal, which New Zealand

has unwaveringly pursued, of a comprehensive test-ban treaty. We must

strengthen the International Atomic Energy Agency's safeguards regime. And we

must secure an indefinite extension of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of

Nuclear Weapons in 1995.

France's decision to suspend testing has been widely welcomed by New

Zealand and Pacific island countries in the South Pacific Forum region. It

has opened the way for significantly more positive relations between France

and the region, which I welcome. We hope the moratorium will be maintained,

and copied by others.

Another milestone approaches, with the presentation to this session of

the General Assembly of a treaty banning another class of weapons of mass

destruction: chemical weapons. Patient and persistent efforts over 20 years

will have their reward. New Zealand has strongly supported those efforts and

intends to be an original signatory to the treaty. We urge other countries to

take the same step.

And we must not ignore the continued proliferation of conventional

armaments. There are legitimate concerns about the levels and availability of

highly destructive conventional weapons. The implementation of the United

Nations Register of Conventional Arms would be a useful first step on the way

to greater accountability in this area.

Finally, I want to touch on the institutional issues the

Secretary-General has raised. We strongly endorse the role that is envisaged

for the United Nations to work with, and on occasions through, regional

organizations that have some special contribution they can make. Already in

South Africa we see cooperation between the United Nations and the

Commonwealth beginning to bear positive fruit. In Somalia the Organization of

African Unity (OAU), the League of Arab States and the Organization of the

Islamic Conference have contributed positively to the United Nations mission.

In the Americas the Organization of American States (OAS) has played an

increasingly effective role.

The United Nations role in Cambodia is of particular importance in this

regard. The operation is unique and deserves the highest praise. But the

countries of the region - which include New Zealand, with 100 men and women in

the United Nations force have also played a major part in bringing about the

conditions necessary for a successful United Nations involvement. Regional

organizations such as the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) have

been indispensable in this process.

The fact of the matter is that the United Nations cannot do everything.

Neither do I expect it to do everything - but free from the shackles of the

past it now has a new authority which it must exercise wisely. To maintain

its authority we must ensure that democratic principles are applied to the

workings of the United Nations itself. That means that the small must be

represented in major United Nations decision-making as well as the large.

It means that there must be fair and regular rotation among Member

States. And it means we must evolve processes that will allow constructive

communication between the Security Council and the wider United Nations

membership so that broad coalitions in support of Security Council action can

be forged while preserving room for quick and decisive actions where necessary.

New Zealand's commitment to a strong, effective and democratic United

Nations has never wavered. At the beginning, at the San Francisco Conference

in 1945, New Zealand championed the broadest possible participation in

decision-making. Over the years we have backed up our words with a real

commitment to United Nations peace-keeping efforts. We have participated thus

far in 15 such operations: New Zealanders have worn the blue beret in Croatia

and Bosnia, Lebanon, Cyprus, India, Pakistan, Iraq, Iran, Namibia, Angola,

Cambodia, the Congo and Yemen. In addition. New Zealand supplied personnel to

assist the United Nations with mine removal in Afghanistan.

In conclusion, I want to return to the two agendas which are before this

Assembly and which seek to achieve a new partnership of nations. Nothing is

more important than the Agenda for Peace and the Agenda for the Environment

and Sustainable Development. The United Nations Secretary-General and the

United Nations Conference on Environment and Development have both identified

monumental challenges for the General Assembly for several years to come.

They also highlight the reality of global interdependence. The way ahead has

to lie in cooperation rather than confrontation, in a recognition that the

future of each of us is tied up with the future of us all and that no agenda,

no matter how noble its goals, will succeed unless first and foremost we are

prepared to work for them. New Zealand is.