New Zealand, 1982

Sir, I congratulate you on your election to the

high office of the presidency. A heavy

responsibility rests on your shoulders. This has

been a turbulent year in international affairs.

The shocks of the past 12 months are reflected in

the agenda. This has been a testing time also for

the new Secretary-General. He faces more hard

tasks ahead.

43. We have endured a year of crisis in the

world economy. The international monetary system

has teetered on the brink of catastrophe. The

twin evils of inflation and unemployment have

ranged throughout the world; growth has slowed

almost to a halt.

44. Nor has the world become a more peaceful

and secure place. On the contrary. The Middle

East has been a cockpit of war. We have just seen

a massacre of unarmed civilians in Lebanon on a

scale we find hard to believe. Afghanistan is

still occupied and tyrannized by the Soviet

Union. Vietnamese troops still hold Kampuchea. A

totally avoidable war has been fought over some

remote islands in the South Atlantic. Great-Power

relationships have deteriorated. There has been

no progress towards disarmament.

45. I want to say a little more about the

world economic situation. As a small trading

nation, New Zealand is acutely sensitive to

fluctuations in the health of our major trading

partners. New Zealand is classed as a developed

country, but we share many of the problems of

developing countries. Our prosperity depends on

the export of a relatively few primary products.

In the current world situation, terms of trade

run against us. When the economic giants sneeze,

we do not catch cold; we catch pneumonia.

46. It is not surprising therefore that my

Government has taken a leading role in recent

months in advocating a revitalization of the

international economic and financial

institutions. The system established at Bretton

Woods 38 years ago served reasonably well during

a long period of economic growth in the 1930s and

1960s. There is a widespread agreement that it

needs to be improved and strengthened, not tom

down. There is no consensus yet as to how that

can be achieved.

47. At international meetings of Finance

Ministers in recent weeks, the New Zealand Prime

Minister has advocated an international

conference to re-examine the role and adequacy of

the international institutions established at

Bretton Woods. Such a conference would require

detailed groundwork and preparation. It is,

perhaps, too early to spell out the agenda. What

must first be demonstrated is the political will

to undertake the task. My Government believes

that that will exists in many countries, but some

of the largest and most powerful Members of the

Organi-zationóthose with the greatest economic

cloutóhave still to be convinced.

48. One thing is clear. The efforts that have

been made in the Organization to effect progress

through a North-South dialogue have reached

stalemate. The very term North-South polarizes

attitudes. Doctrinaire argument will get us

nowhere. Nor will a retreat into policies of

economic isolationism. The growth of

protectionism is one of the most disturbing

by-products of economic recession. It will not

help growth in the powerful economies of the

major industrialized countries, and its effects

on the vulnerable economies of the developing

countries can only be disastrous.

49. Let me emphasize again the constructive

purpose of my Government's call for a review of

the international economic institutions. We wish

to see them strengthened and, if necessary,

supplemented. They may need new powers. They

should be more responsive to genuine needs. In

the financial field, they should be more flexible

in the conditions they impose for lending. There

should be a large increase in quotas to

strengthen the position of the International

Monetary Fund [IMF]. There is a need for

discipline to apply to those countries which

accumulate large surpluses in their balance of

payments, as well as to tht.se which are forced

into large deficits. This is sometimes called

symmetrical surveillance. Greater regulatory

powers than exist at present may be required. IMF is

no longer facing cyclical downturns in member

nations but long-term structural imbalances. Its

rules must be adapted for longer-term lending and

easier conditionality. A decision on these

matters at a special meeting of the world

community would make the political decision,

country by country, to accept such changes much

more easily.

50. But these are only suggestions on our

part. I repeat that what is needed is a clear

demonstration of political will to embark on a

new program designed to restore confidence in

the world economic system. Only thus can we look

for the world consensus required to implement

such a program. May I say that we look to the

major economic Powers to display both more

determined leadership and a greater

understanding of the problems faced by smaller

and weaker economies than they have so far.

51. Although far removed from the Middle

East, New Zealand is closely concerned with what

goes on there. We have friendly relations with

all Middle East countries and important trading

relations with an increasing number of them. The

United Nations has an important role to play in

maintaining peace in that area and it must

continue to play that role despite the

frustrations it faces. For many years New Zealand

has contributed observers to the United Nations

Truce Supervision Organization. We welcomed the

restoration of peace between Egypt and Israel.

We wanted to see a peace-keeping force

established in the Sinai under United Nations

auspices but, since that was not possible, we

agreed to contribute to a force that was

acceptable to both Egypt and Israel. In that way,

we hope we have made an appropriate contribution

not only to the peace-keeping but to the

peace-making process.

52. It is a matter of great concern to us

that L at process has not continued as intended.

New Zealand has consistently supported Security

Council resolution 242 (1967). We believe that

Israel is entitled to exist in peace behind

secure borders. Equally, we believe that the

Palestinian people are entitled to determine

their own futures: and to establish their own

State, if that is what they wish, following the

withdrawal of Israeli troops from the occupied

territories. We believe also that all foreign

combat troops should be withdrawn from Lebanon.

The innocent civilian population in that war-torn

country has suffered long enough, if necessary,

after the present temporary three-nation force is

withdrawn from Beirut, the role ol' the United

Nations peace keeping force should be expanded to

stabilize the situation in Lebanon for as long as

may be necessary.

53. In his report on the work of the

Organization the Secretary-General has commented

with admirable frankness on the shortcomings of

the United Nations in carrying out its primary

task of preserving international peace and

security. He has suggested ways in which the

Security Council might operate with more

authority. We support those suggestions. We

believe that a greater willingness on the part of

the great Powers to work together rather than

against one another is the key to a more

effective Security Council. Nevertheless, the

non-permanent members also have an important part

to play. We take seriously the obligation

conferred by the Charter on the Members of the

United Nations to make their own contribution to

the maintenance of international peace and

security. It is with that obligation very much in

mind that New Zealand has presented its

candidature for membership of the Council at the

forthcoming elections.

54. The situation in Kampuchea also remains

of deep concern, h undermines the stability of

Southeast Asia and adversely affects the security

of our close friends in the Association of

South-East Asian Nations. If unresolved, it

carries the potential, by reviving great-Power

rivalry in the area, to threaten the security of

the wider Asia-Pacific region. More immediately

the situation prolongs the human misery and

suiting that have been a tragic fact of life m

Kampuchea for too long.

55. New Zealand firmly believes that any

lasting solution to the situation in Kampuchea

will have to take into account their legitimate

interests of all the parties concerned. We hope

that the year ahead will see some progress. The

formation of the coalition Government in

Kampuchea is a step in the right direction. We

have never condoned the crimes and atrocities of

Pol Pot and his associates and we welcome the

broader representation of the Kampuchean people

in the Government of Democratic Kampuchea.

56. There is an important role for the United

Nations in working out a settlement. We welcome

the efforts of the Chairman of the /i J Hot

Committee of the International Conference on

Kampuchea as part of it.

57. Another year has passed without progress

in relations between North and South Korea.

Tension remains high in the peninsula and the

diversion of resources to military purposes

continues. Families are still separated and a

unique and ancient society remains divided. New

Zealand does not believe that this situation need

or should continue. My Government's view is that

the way forward is through negotiations between

the Korean peoples themselves. We exhort the

North Korean authorities to respond positively to

South Korea's various proposals for steps towards

national reconciliation.

58. With regard to Africa, my Government has

followed closely the efforts of the five-member

contact group to negotiate the withdrawal of

South Africa from Namibia and permit the people

of that country freely to exercise their right to

self-determination and independence. Following

the emergence of a Government in Zimbabwe

reflecting the wishes of the majority, we

expected to see more rapid progress towards the

freeing of Namibia from illegal occupation. We

hope that the situation will now be peacefully

and speedily remedied and that the people of

Namibia will very soon be able to decide their

own future in free and fair elections. It is long

since time Namibia took its rightful seat in the

Organization.

59. New Zealand maintains its steadfast

opposition to the system of institutionalized

racism imposed by a minority Government in South

Africa on the vast majority of its people. New

Zealand has no diplomatic or consular

representative in that country. For many years we

have embargoed the export of arms to South

Africa. In accordance with its obligations, as a

member of the Commonwealth, under the Gleneagles

Agreement my Government has consistently sought

to discourage sporting contacts with South

Africa. The great majority of New Zealand sport

organizations, including the Olympic and

Commonwealth Games Association have steadfastly

refrained from such contacts.

60. It is time that the disgrace of apartheid

was ended. It is an affront to human dignity.

Tragically, the South African Government has

ignored the calls of its own people and of the

world that it dismantles the apartheid system and

introduces one which upholds racial equality and

respect for human rights and basic freedoms. Only

then can South Africa resume a normal

relationship with the rest of the world and play

its proper role in a continent which has

desperate need of its technology and resources.

61. I should like to end by saying something

about the small island countries of the South

Pacific and their problems. These are, after all,

New Zealand's closest neighbors and friends. We

have with them strong ties of history and

culture. Many of their people have migrated to

New Zealand but retain close links with their

island homes. New Zealand's overseas aid program

is increasingly concentrated in these countries.

We welcome the fact that the great majority of

the island countries have now achieved

independence or an advanced stage of

self-government. Some of them now speak with a

distinctive South Pacific voice in the

Organization.

62. it is good that self-determination in the

South Pacific has been achieved peacefully. The

process is, however, not yet complete. We welcome

the progress that has taken place towards

self-determination in the Trust Territory of

Micronesia. We welcome also the program of reform

which has been instituted by the French Government

in New Caledonia. In common with our fellow

members of the South Pacific Forum, we hope for

quick progress towards the goal of

self-determination for this Territory. We are

actively promoting political development in the

small island Territory of Tokelau and have

welcomed visits by United Nations Missions to

monitor its progress.

63. The fragile economies of small island

States pose enormous problems for their

development. The United Nations criteria for

least-developed States take insufficient account

of the problems of minute size, lack of resources

and extreme isolation, which are common to many

of these island States. New Zealand has sought to

help overcome these problems by lowering trade

barriers, promoting private investment and

helping to develop regional shipping services. We

have welcomed the increased involvement of the

United Nations in the South Pacific area. But

more outside help is needed, and the small size

of the recipient countries should not deter the

appropriate international agencies from making a

more effective contribution than they have up to

now.

64. One of the few significant resources

which the South Pacific countries can export is

fish. The most important part of this resource

consists of the highly migratory species such as

tuna. The establishment of the 200-mile economic

zone under the United Nations Convention on the

Law of the Sea offers the island countries the

opportunity to exploit this resource for their

own benefit. It is for that reason, among others,

that New Zealand and other South Pacific

countries are strong supporters of that

Convention and look forward to its early entry

into force. My Government will continue to urge

the major industrialized countries to accept and

become parties to the Convention. All South

Pacific countries are naturally sensitive to the

possibility of pollution of the surrounding

ocean, for example by the dumping of nuclear

waste. We are also strong advocates of the

complete cessation of nuclear-weapons testing,

especially in the Pacific. It is a matter of

great regret and concern that the negotiation of

a comprehensive test-ban treaty has virtually

come to a halt.

65. New Zealand and its South Pacific

neighbors will continue to press for the

conclusion of a test-ban treaty. Such a treaty

not only will remove a possible environmental

threat from our own backyard, but will be an

important step towards nuclear disarmament, which

has seen no progress in the past year but becomes

more urgent day by day.