New Zealand, 1969

130. Madam President, it gives me very special pleasure today,

on behalf of the New Zealand delegation, to offer you our warmest

congratulations on your election to the presidency of this

Assembly. We think that it is a very highly merited honour

and our best wishes go with you in a very difficult task.

May you be blessed with patience and tolerance. As

founding Members of the Organization, Liberia and New

Zealand have been privileged to co-operate for some 24

years in all United Nations activities, but particularly in

Trusteeship Council affairs. We remember this with pleasure.

131. We meet this year in the light of another great

landmark of human history: the sight of men walking on

the surface of the moon. In New Zealand this year we

celebrate the 200th anniversary of the great voyages of

discovery of that great terrestrial explorer, Captain Cook.

I should like to repeat to the United States Government, and

to all those countries engaged in the peaceful exploration of

the universe, a message of goodwill written two centuries

ago to Captain Cook on his departure for one of his voyages:

"I hope that for the advantage of the curious part of

mankind, your zeal for distant voyages will not yet cease.

I heartily wish you success in all your undertakings.”

I think that as it was appropriate 200 years ago, the

message is appropriate today.

132. The moon landing is not only an inspiration to the

human spirit. It is a stupendous miracle of scientific

progress. But unfortunately such dramatic proof of man’s

mastery of his surroundings does not automatically call into

existence a nobler and wiser world. A report by the

Secretary-General to this session of the Assembly contains a

rather telling indictment. He commented that man "being

presumably rational" would have constructed for himself

circumstances "ideally suited to his occupancy". The report

observes: "In fact, the very opposite often appears true."

133. And it is true that in any stocktaking of our world

we see warfare, violence and bloodshed on a massive scale,

in the Middle East, Africa and Asia. In other areas we see

racial hatred, religious intolerance and political oppression

afflicting vast numbers of mankind. In some of the

under-developed countries of Africa, Asia, South America

and others, poverty, hunger and despondency are still

rampant. The stockpiles of nuclear weapons mount and the

production of weapons of mass destruction grows and

spreads apace while nations still await agreement on arms

limitation or nuclear disarmament between the two super-Powers.

134. It seems that the great Powers are reluctant to

intervene in situations of actual hostilities in order to avoid

escalating the conflict; yet they and others supply arms to

the belligerents. In this dark picture the principles of the

Charter still provide us, we believe, with a lodestar.

135. For the vast and growing human family, the United

Nations and its ideals are still of primary significance. Each

year up until now we have rededicated ourselves to the

Charter’s magnanimous spirit and resolved to translate its

principles into action. In this coming anniversary year

something more is required, I suggest. I believe that there is

a serious new duty incumbent upon individual Member

States—and upon the Organization as a whole—to take

account of the increasing questioning among the peoples of

the countries we represent, not only about the effectiveness

of the United Nations machinery, but also about whether

the whole concept of San Francisco is still valid and

adequate after a quarter of a century’s operation.

136. In a world that has already seen man walking on the

moon, the time surely has arrived for a close and searching

inquiry, about whether the Charter is adequate to deal with

the problems of today. We should also look closely at the

structure of the Organization which we set up so long ago;

we should look to see if it is even adequately suited to our

new circumstances. We believe that we should consider

whether the highly formalized procedures of the General

Assembly are still appropriate. We are not satisfied with a

Security Council which is used for discussion without result

and which impairs the status of the Council itself. I believe

that we must ask ourselves what is needed to ensure that

what we describe as debates are something more than a

dialogue of the deaf.

137. We can, of course, take great pride in the work done

by the United Nations in the economic and social fields by

the specialized agencies. There are real advances in economic

aid, education and health, to name only a few of the

areas of great progress. But this was not the primary

purpose for which the United Nations was established. We

are still left with a major problem—to which the President

of the Assembly referred on Tuesday [1753rd meeting].

Advances in the fields that I have spoken of have much less

meaning if they do not take place against a background of

international peace and stability. As to these, the United

Nations does not achieve sufficient results; yet this does

remain the central aim of the Charter. Today I should like

to ask these questions because they are the kind of

questions that are being asked increasingly by people in

countries such as mine and, I am sure, in others.

138. And in asking these questions I have no thought of

wishing to return to the comfortable assemblage of States

of the immediate post-war years or the power alignments of

that time. We are now a much bigger Organization with

much greater capacities through vastly increased and diverse

membership. The future of the Organization and the

possibility of restructuring it are questions that have equal

significance in any part of the world, whether in Europe,

Asia, Africa, Latin America, the Pacific—anywhere.

139. One of these larger issues is the problem of universal

membership of our Organization. This question, important

though it is, remains unsolved. But it underlines the failure

of the Organization thus far to reach effective solutions of

many critical issues, notably those that I have mentioned

concerning peace and security. As it approaches its twenty-fifth

anniversary, the United Nations is increasingly faced

with the need to come to terms with a situation where a

quarter of the world’s population remains unrepresented in

it. The effectiveness of our Organization is impaired by a

gap of this magnitude. We are all aware of the difficulties—

I am certainly not unaware of them. It is a difficult problem

to resolve, but there must soon come a point of time when

the balance of advantage requires that this be done in spite

of the immediate and long-term difficulties.

140. The inability of the Organization to control international conflicts

is a primary source of weakness of our Organization. If, as I hope, we

could make a new stocktaking we must, I believe, seek new ways to

strengthen the peace-keeping capacity of the United Nations and make it

also a more effective policing body. Together with some few other States

New Zealand has already indicated its willingness in principle to allocate

a military unit for future participation in properly instituted

peace-keeping operations of the United Nations.

141. The most obvious and tragic example of the powerlessness of

the United Nations to keep the peace is the drifting and dangerous

Middle East conflict. There is no situation in which United Nations

involvement is closer, no situation in which the challenge to the

Organization is greater or more immediate. We believe it is imperative

that increasing efforts be made to reduce the violence and to

find a way towards a peaceful settlement of this conflict.

My Government supports wholeheartedly every effort to

establish peace and security in that region.

142. There are two aspects of the present situation in the

Middle East which give my Government special concern. We

think it would be horrifying and intolerable if the dispute

between Israel and its Arab neighbours were to spawn

calculated terror throughout the world. There is some

evidence of this. No reasonable person can accept the

hijacking of civilian airliners and the destruction of

property, with the constant threat of loss of innocent lives

of people from countries far distant from the Middle East.

We believe that this kind of activity is bound to recoil on

the heads of the organizations responsible for it. The other

aspect which New Zealand sees as being particularly

harmful would be any attempt—by either side—deliberately

to arouse or inflame religious feelings as a means of

heightening the tensions and hatreds that may exist.

143. There are two other destructive conflicts proceeding

unchecked of which the United Nations is not properly

seized. I refer to the conflict in Nigeria and the war in

Viet-Nam. As to Nigeria, my Government has regarded the

issues in this civil war as essentially matters to be settled by

the Nigerians themselves. We all hope that some real step

forward will follow from the numerous appeals that have

been made and the appeal made last week by the summit

meeting in Addis Ababa. We are very conscious of the

difficulties, but it seems to me that an effort should be

made to separate the humanitarian crisis from the political

aspects of this quite bloody conflict. The Government and

people of New Zealand have been dismayed and alarmed

over the interruption of international relief operations. We

believe that urgency should be given to the immediate

resumption of large-scale relief supplies. Through me my

Government has made recent direct representations to the

principal parties on this specific issue. We believe that the

international community has a duty to speak out on behalf

of the innocent civilian victims of the fighting.

144. Of even more immediate concern to New Zealand is

the tragic and wasteful war in Viet-Nam. At the Paris talks

the Government of the Republic of Viet-Nam and its allies

have put forward a series of proposals for bringing about a

negotiated peace. These proposals have two central

purposes: the withdrawal of all—I repeat all—non-South

Viet-Namese forces, and the holding of free elections of all

the people of South Viet-Nam. It seems to us that nothing

could be more fair and statesmanlike than President Thieu's

offer for the national liberation front to participate in free

and internationally supervised elections; and he has made it

clear that his Government would abide by the results of

such elections.

145. So far the response from the other side has been

consistently negative. They too have a central purpose and

it is equally clear: they demand the withdrawal of all allied

forces, while North Viet-Namese troops remain in South

Viet-Nam and overthrow the legitimately elected Government

of South Viet-Nam. It seems to us that these are

demands of men who seek to impose their will by force;

they reflect no genuine wish to move from confrontation to

negotiation.

146. It is a matter of great regret that the United Nations

has been able to play so small a part in relation to the

Viet-Nam war. There have been times, I believe, when

international opinion, carefully and responsibly expressed,

might have helped progress towards peace in Viet-Nam, and

I believe that that opportunity still remains. In particular

the international community needs to be reminded, I think,

of the steps that the Republic of South Viet-Nam has taken

in the cause of peace. The Government of the Republic of

South Viet-Nam is continually being urged in many

quarters of the world to make yet one more concession to

get the peace talks moving. It is an extraordinary commentary

that seldom if at all has the other side been urged to

respond in like manner. The fact remains that only when

the other side begins to address itself to the real issues and

shows an interest in serious negotiation shall we be able to

move towards an end to this tragic war.

147. My Government earnestly desires a peace settlement

which will allow the people of South Viet-Nam to decide

their own future, free from any outside interference. A

settlement is likely to bear the tests of time only if it has a

wide measure of international support, and it is here that

the United Nations may yet have a contribution to make in

sustaining whatever settlement emerges. For far too long

Viet-Nam has been the scene of conflict, and its people

have been forced to bear the privations and horrors of

subversion, terrorism, murder and war. The natural and

human resources of Viet-Nam are such that, if only war and

the threat of war can be banished, this young and vigorous

nation will before long resume its rightful place in the

community of nations. A great number of countries and

many international organizations are participating in extensive

programmes of economic and humanitarian relief in

Viet-Nam. With the restoration of peace, the needs of

reconstruction and rehabilitation in that war-ravaged country

will require even greater help from the rest of the world

if the people of Viet-Nam are to enjoy the economic

prosperity and material welfare to which they are entitled.

148. The Charter imposes on us all an obligation to

respect the rights of the individual, and, despite the uneven

progress in this field, it is possible to record a growing

awareness in the world of man’s responsibility to his fellow

men. In matters of social justice most Governments would

not today tolerate conditions or practices that were hardly

questioned half a century ago or even 25 years ago. The

United Nations and the International Labour Organisation,

whose fiftieth anniversary we celebrate this year, have made

significant contributions to that development.

149. At the same time, we must deplore the continuing

existence of situations in which the standards set by the

Carter have been ignored or cast aside. Once again this

year we witnessed the repetition of a massive denial of

human rights, and brutal police action, in an effort to

suppress the unquenchable spirit of the Czechoslovak

people. It seemed to us at our distance that socialism

carrying a truncheon was exalted. We were told in 1968

that this was a fraternal embrace. If that is so, my country

at least and, I believe, the rest of the world must seek new

definitions of friendship and brotherhood. In another area

of human rights, it is to the credit of the United Nations

that the process of decolonization is largely complete.

150. We have noted with close interest the decision of the

Security Council to establish a committee of experts which

will examine the relationship between the micro-States and

the United Nations [1506th meeting]. This subject is of

particular relevance to New Zealand, situated as it is in the

Pacific area which includes many small island territories.

New Zealand has brought two of those territories to

self-determination and self-government. Western Samoa, a

fully independent State since 1962, brought to statehood

by New Zealand, has chosen not to join the United Nations,

although it has become a member of the World Health.

Organization. In 1965 the Cook Islands chose to be fully

self-governing, in free association with New Zealand. In the

light of our experience in those two cases, we feel that new

and more flexible arrangements are needed for the very

small emerging territories. At present they are offered only

the alternatives of full United Nations membership or

virtually no relationship at all. My Government awaits with

great interest the results of the Security Council’s examination

and its recommendations on this important question.

151. The United Nations is rather ill-equipped to solve the

political crises of our day. Yet one of the notable

achievements of recent years, which gives promise of a

reduction in political tensions and of relief from the fear of

war, was the negotiation and signature of the Treaty on the

Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII)].

New Zealand ratified that Treaty last week.

That action formally reaffirms a long-standing national

policy of New Zealand, renouncing any intention on our

part to acquire nuclear weapons. We hope too that some

real progress can be made towards the conclusion of a

comprehensive ban on all testing of nuclear weapons and

we call upon those countries not parties to the partial test

ban treaty to refrain from any resumption of weapon

testing in the atmosphere.

152. The past year has also seen a growing recognition by

the United Nations Members that our surroundings are

threatened by other dangers, less obvious perhaps but no

less great and sometimes even more immediate. Man. has

rather recklessly impaired his own surroundings and the

need to preserve our material heritage in an overwhelmingly

industrial and increasingly populated age is now becoming

acute.

153. My Government regards it as a development of

surpassing importance and merit that the United Nations is

devoting more and more of its attention to such practical

questions as population control, the establishment of a just

and effective régime for the exploration and exploitation of

the sea-bed, the co-ordination and objectives of activities in

outer space, the conservation of mankind’s environment

and the control of pollution, They are concerns which

transcend political boundaries, and the problems they

present must occupy the attention of all men everywhere.

154. Finally, I believe that in beginning this twenty-fourth

session we all recognize the critical importance of ensuring

that the right decisions are taken by this Assembly about

the objectives and strategy of the Second United Nations

Development Decade. This can well settle the pattern and

pace for sound economic progress throughout the world.

One of the key lessons of the First Development Decade has

been that sound economic development is a continuous

complex and long-term process. In this the willing co-operation

of ail developed and developing countries is essential.

It is correspondingly important that the goals or

targets set should be realistic.

155. The New Zealand Government has pledged itself to

work towards the target of 1 per cent of gross national

product for external aid. The success of the Second

Development Decade may depend largely on the degree to

which this Assembly measures to its responsibilities. I hope

we can succeed in proving our Secretary-General unduly

pessimistic on this point. Let us show that man, looking at

the problems of his planet as a whole, can indeed be

rational and can construct for himself circumstances

“ideally suited to his occupancy”.