Italy, 1969

1. Madam President, allow me first of

all to express to you the satisfaction of the Italian

delegation at seeing you preside over this Assembly. In you

we welcome the representative of a republic of ancient

traditions, the interpreter of the will and aspirations of a

continent, rich in youthful energies, destined to give new

impetus to the development of the international community — a

continent with which Italy feels itself linked by

ties of friendship and co-operation. To you personally I

wish to convey the sincere congratulations of the Italian

delegation on your election to the high office entrusted to

you. Your profound culture, your vast experience and your

great human sensitivity are a guarantee of the success of the

Assembly’s work.

2. I should also like to pay a sincere tribute to the

memory of your illustrious predecessor, Emilio Arenales,

who presided over the twenty-third session with such skill

and dedication. His passing has left within the great family

of the United Nations a sense of deep regret for his

exceptional qualities as a politician, diplomat and human being.

3. In the debate which is concluding today there has been

a recurring theme: a profound desire for peace, a general

longing for just and lasting solutions to the crises which

beset the international order. We also share those aspirations.

If we are to realize them, we must above all initiate a

new and more human system of international relations. In

other words, we must solve in an open spirit those problems

which for years have caused divisions and disputes, and we

must build the future on mutual respect, trust and

co-operation among peoples.

4. I have just come from Yugoslavia, where I had the

honour of accompanying the President of the Italian

Republic on a State visit to President Tito. That visit

represented the culmination of the excellent relations

which have developed since the war between two neighbouring

countries, between two peoples which, having

succeeded in making their real interests prevail over the

resentments and the rancours provoked by past conflicts,

are now enjoying the fruits of trustful co-operation.

Between Yugoslavia and Italy there is practically no

frontier. Every day it is open to goods, people and ideas

crossing by the thousands in one direction or another.

Peace reigns on both shores of the Adriatic.

5. We are acting in the same way with Austria. Indeed, we

believe that a solution of the Alto Adige problem is at

hand — a solution to which we have devoted all our efforts

for years in pursuance of United Nations resolutions. To

this end we have also established opportune contacts with

the intention of sounding out the reaction of the Austrian

Government to the measures to be adopted internally by

the Italian Government, on the basis of suggestions of the

special committee composed of 19 members established in

1961, under the circumstances and for the purposes

mentioned at that time in the General Assembly. Once the

dispute has bee: settled, it will be possible to proceed

toward forms of economic and cultural integration also

between Italy and Austria.

6. I have referred to the spirit underlying the relations

between Italy and these two neighbouring countries simply

in order to express the hope that the same desire for peace,

the same awareness of the genuine interest of peoples will

guide Governments in Europe, the Near East, South-East

Asia, Africa, Latin America, wherever conflicts, often

bloody, are taking place among and within States.

7. The Italian Government shares the profound anxieties

which have been repeatedly expressed from this rostrum, in

the face of the dramatic events from which no continent

appears, in one way or another, to be immune. Since

disorder is so widespread, we must begin the task of

building world peace as rapidly and as concretely as

possible. In my opinion, this objective must be pursued, in

its entirety, with a “global” vision of its multiple ramifications

because on this depends not only the balanced

development of the international community, but also

perhaps the survival of human society itself.

8. In the first place, the development of political relationships,

economic life and trade, the growth of communications

and of human contacts, the movement of history

itself, are bringing out more and more clearly the

interdependence of peoples. At the same time the danger is

growing of the propagation from one region to another, and

from one continent to another, of tensions and conflicts

which are exacerbated not only by political and military

interests, but also by racial hatred, hunger, poverty and

persistent economic and social injustices. Hence, war

cannot be considered solely as the result of a lack of

military equilibrium. It is a complex phenomenon with

multiple causes which often have not yet been fully

explored. A remedy, therefore, which would defend us

from the dissemination of weapons, would certainly be very

useful but would not be enough. We must therefore

identify and eliminate the root causes of war.

9. In the second place, the splitting of the atom, the

exploits in space and our great scientific and technological

conquests have enormously increased the power of man

over nature. We are about to enter a new phase of history.

We feel that we must make a great effort to adapt our

institutions, our spirits, our concept of international relations

to the immeasurable possibilities which today are

offered to us by science and technology. Yet we find

difficulty in freeing ourselves from the old schemes of

power politics and in accepting not only justice, but also

disarmament as a requirement of progress itself.

10. The obvious conclusion which is now forced upon us

is that, in the face of the threat of a nuclear holocaust, we

have only one choice: to create the permanent conditions

for peace — in other words, to achieve a peace in which not

only military and political crises, but also all the basic

problems of the modern world, can gradually find their solutions.

11. Peace-building must therefore acquire new dimensions.

This task cannot be reduced to preventing armed conflicts

and overcoming the political disputes likely to provoke

such conflicts. It involves much more: the gradual reduction

of all social, economic and technological “gaps” which

Operate as factors creating instability and disorder in

international life; the conversion of the forces which today

threaten us with destruction into instruments of creation,

progress and well-being. In short, we must fill the technological

and economic gap among and within States and

between scientific-technological development and political

concepts which are now worn out.

12. It is this integral conception of peace that I should like

to suggest as a subject for reflection to the Assembly. This

conception embraces the many fields in which the United

Nations system is already operating; but it requires a

comprehensive design, a more precise awareness of the

interdependence which exists among the various tasks of

the Organization and therefore new policies and new methods.

13. In this over-all perspective, I should like to explore the

general lines along which, to our way of thinking, action for

peace should be developed.

14. The first objective is to ensure, in any situation,

respect for international legality and for statutory obligations,

which consist in the prohibition of the use of force,

the safeguarding of the sovereignty and territorial integrity

of all States and the upholding of fundamental human rights.

15. The defence and the consolidation of international

legality as a preliminary basis for peace involve two requirements.

16. The first requirement is to have efficient machinery

for peace-keeping and security operations available, on the

organizational and financial level. I should therefore like to

stress the need to give to the work of the Committee of

Thirty-Three the necessary impulse so that constructive

conclusions may rapidly be achieved according to the

realistic proposals repeatedly put forward by the Italian

representative.

17. The second requirement is to ensure, by deepening

and clarifying the principles, that the rule of law is upheld

in the international order. The Italian Government is

therefore fully aware of the importance of a declaration

such as that which is being worked out by the Committee

entrusted with the study of principles of international law

concerning friendly relations and co-operation. We are

convinced that such a declaration, if it is drafted in

unequivocal terms and accepted by all Member States, or at

least by a large majority of them, will respond effectively to

the requirements of today’s international society.

18. The United Nations Conference on the Law of

Treaties, concluded in Vienna last May, has undoubtedly

made a substantial contribution to the stability of world

order. In particular, it has allowed the newly independent

States to participate actively in the codification of legal

standards which up to now have been left to customary law.

19. Peace presupposes the abolition of all forms of human

discrimination. The foundations of peace will therefore

remain fragile as long as the myth of racial superiority

prolongs the existence of absurd systems of apartheid and

of colonial regimes.

20. Italy, which has applied and will continue scrupulously

to apply the sanctions ordered by the Security

Council against the illegal Salisbury regime, is ready to

support all realistic proposals which may rapidly and

peacefully bring about the establishment of a new, human

and democratic order, in southern Africa. In this connexion,

we have read with interest the Lusaka Manifesto on

Southern Africa which was authoritatively presented by

the President of Cameroon [1756th meeting] and which,

we hope, will not go unheard. In the same spirit we look

forward to the completion, in all parts of the world, of that

irreversible historical process which requires the elimination

of the political and economic structures of colonialism.

21. The elimination of poverty in all its manifestations,

without at the same time sacrificing or repressing specifically

human values, is one of the most exacting tasks

involved in the building of peace.

22. As we in Italy see it, the problems of the economic

and social progress of the poor countries must be tackled in

a spirit of freedom and mutual respect, as an international

development strategy. This strategy requires, on the one

hand, the efficient economic and technical co-operation of

industrialized countries, through the completion of a

number of well planned stages; on the other hand, the

developing countries must undertake to adapt their own

structures to the requirements of economic development,

taking advantage of the possibilities offered by regional

programmes and organizing common economic systems. It

should be pointed out that the association of the European

Economic Community is already moving in this direction,

together with the African countries and Madagascar,

Tunisia, Morocco and the independent countries of East

Africa, Surinam and the Dutch West Indies. The various

groupings formed in Latin America are moving in the same

direction, as was confirmed at the recent Viña del Mar

meeting. In doing so, they were encouraged and inspired

by the continuing process of European economic integration.

23. Today’s experience, furthermore, shows that the

gradual reduction: and the trend towards elimination of the

economic gap between the industrialized countries and the

countries of the third world is necessary, but inadequate,

for the purposes of peace-building. We must also set in

motion economic, social and educational systems which

translate into terms of real life the basic principles of

human dignity, respect for and free expression of the

personality, eliminating the dangers of a society inspired

solely by criteria of productivity and giving an ideal content

to the life of the new generations.

24. The anxiety which even recently the Supreme Pontiff

has shown for this problem confirms that it has today

become one of the most essential in the modern world. The

United Nations cannot fail to contribute to its solution.

25. Disarmament, as I mentioned, is a compulsory choice,

imposed by the nuclear reality in which we live. With this

conviction, the Italian Government has made and is

continuing tenaciously to make its own contribution to the

search for and the conclusion of agreements in this sector.

26. In our opinion, collateral measures, such as the Treaty

on the partial cessation of nuclear tests, the space Treaty,

the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of the Nuclear

Weapons [see resolution 2373 (XXII)] and the drafts of the

treaties which are being drawn up concerning the sea-bed

and bacteriological and chemical weapons are certainly very

important, but they do not yet deal with the crux of the

problem, which is the initiation of an effective process of

arms reduction. This was clearly seen by the General

Assembly which, at its last session [resolution 2454 B

(XXIII)], recommended the resumption of discussions on

programmes of general and complete disarmament.

27. Precisely in response to the General Assembly’s

appeal, the Italian Government took the initiative at

Geneva and, in the form of a specific working document,

submitted a proposal for the discussion of an organic

disarmament programme. We aim at the opening of

discussions on a programme which establishes the directives

for the inauguration and successive development of the

disarmament process. In such a programme, which could

form part of a “Disarmament Decade”, which the Secretary-General

has so brilliantly proposed in the introduction

to his annual report [A/7601/Add.1, para. 42], we hope to

see plans made for the beginning of negotiations on arms

reduction, which should constitute the first phase of this process.

28. We are certain that the atmosphere of these discussions

will be particularly facilitated by the initiation of

talks between the two major nuclear Powers on the

limitation of strategic weapons, which could represent the

first effective step towards the cessation of the arms race.

29. A determining factor for the continuation of the

disarmament negotiations could be the full and complete

implementation of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of

Nuclear Weapons which contains precisely in Article VI an

undertaking to conduct such negotiations in good faith and

urgently in view of the priority aim of nuclear disarmament.

30. Another important factor which must be considered in

the building of peace is the establishment of forms of

co-operation which will ensure that all countries benefit

from scientific and technological progress in those sectors

which open up new and important prospects for the future

of mankind - I refer to the peaceful use of nuclear energy,

outer space and the sea-bed.

31. I should like to recall that the development of

international co-operation in the peaceful use of nuclear

energy is a specific objective of the non-proliferation

Treaty, an objective on which we are concentrating our

efforts since the harmonious co-operation among the

nuclear and non-nuclear States will depend on it. The

Italian Government has already had an opportunity of

expressing its views on this problem during the Conference

of Non-Nuclear-Weapon States held at Geneva from 29

August to 28 September 1968, whose continuity, we hope,

will be assured.

32. With the same aim we have proposed a change in the

structure of the executive organ of the International

Atomic Energy Agency, which is essential if we wish that

organization to be able to tackle the new and important

tasks which can be entrusted to it in the field of the

peaceful uses of nuclear energy.

33. The utilization of the sea-bed and of outer space must

be based on the principles that mankind as a whole must

benefit from it and that no exclusive advantage must be

appropriated by individual States. Such utilization must,

therefore, be regulated by legal institutions which cannot

be converted into de facto oligarchies and which guarantee

all countries equitable conditions of enjoyment.

34. Another aspect of the problem of progress as a factor

in peace-building is the protection of the human environment

and of basic human resources, particularly in the face

of forms of irrational exploitation as a result of

technological development and of the manufacture of nuclear

weapons. Italy is therefore following with particular

interest the preparations for the United Nations Conference

on the Human Environment which, as a result of the

Assembly’s decision, will be devoted to this problem in

1972 in Stockholm.

35. In submitting my views on ways and means of securing

peace I have also, by implication, indicated the programme

of action which, I feel, should be followed by our

Organization. In order to build peace, it is essential to have

a functional United Nations.

36. Unfortunately, the facts still show that our Organization

is not yet in a position to fulfil all the hopes that have

been placed in it. The system is imperfect, not only because

it still lacks the means and the machinery necessary for the

constant and vigilant maintenance of peace, and not only

because it is passing through a phase of institutional

growth, resulting in an inevitable dissipation of effort, but

also because it sometimes encounters resistance from

Member States which, though often invoking the principles

of the Charter, are not always ready to accept them.

37. The Assembly must take appropriate decisions concerning

preparations for the twenty-fifth anniversary. Let

us seize this opportunity to commit ourselves not only to

scrupulous adherence to our statutory principles but also to

the quest for more suitable means of attaining the

perfection of our system at the institutional, organizational

and methodological levels. We now have a chance to

evaluate carefully the experience of the past in order to

plan for the future and to ensure that the Organization

functions more effectively.

38. As regards the second subject for reflection — the

strengthening of the United Nations — Italy has contributed

some ideas and proposals to the document submitted, in

response to the Secretary-General’s invitation, in connexion

with the preparations for the twenty-fifth anniversary [see

A/7690, annex I].

39. First of all, we believe that an attempt should be made

to ensure close co-ordination of the various activities

undertaken throughout the entire United Nations system,

applying an over-all plan which takes into account all the

objectives entailed in the maintenance of world peace, in

such a way that the gradual attainment of goals in one area

is reflected in substantial progress in others.

40. A correlation of this kind — which Italy has been urging

for some time and which has also been advocated by the

Assembly — should be established between disarmament and

development. Thus the resources made available by the

gradual achievement of disarmament would be spent on

economic and technological assistance to the countries of

the “third world”.

41. In a broader sense, we believe that the resources

released by the disarmament process or by the use of outer

space and the sea-bed or by other means should be applied

to the progress of the developing countries, to the

peace-keeping tasks of the United Nations and to the

protection of the human environment and of nature.

42. Secondly, we must consider the problem of adapting

the structure and working methods of the main United

Nations organs to the new historical context within which

they are required to function. The agencies that were

established as a result of the Bretton Woods Agreements are

now, after five years of study, embarking on the changes

needed to adapt them to. present-day requirements. What is

possible for the international financial agencies in Washington

must surely also be possible for the United Nations.

43. I am aware of the difficulties inherent in a revision of

statutory norms. I believe, therefore, that appropriate

solutions might already, to some extent, consist in a more

functional interpretation and application of the Charter, in

its present form, pending an opportunity to undertake the

reforms which various other speakers have advocated before

me. Thus arrangements could be made for the constant

participation in the Security Council of States which are

capable of fully discharging the particular responsibilities

deriving from membership in that body. This result could

be achieved by implementing Article 23 of the Charter

forthwith. By applying the same criteria and making a few

changes in the rules of procedure, the functioning of this

Assembly could be improved in order to ensure that its

decisions are practical and effective, as befits the prestige of

a body responsible for the democratization of international life.

44. Lastly, the United Nations system needs to be

strengthened in the sphere of economic and social development.

45. The preparations for the Second United Nations

Development Decade and its realization will surely be a test

of the Organization’s ability to function adequately as a

focal point for the generation of ideas and initiatives, and

harmonization of different positions. In this context the

United Nations must therefore be able to act with agility,

be flexible in structure and have rational co-ordination in

its methods. Indeed, the strength of the institution is not to

be sought in the multiplicity of its organs or in the

complexity of its procedures. It resides instead in the

ability to act swiftly, judiciously and in an orderly manner.

In this way development assistance will flow more abundantly

in the broad multilateral channels of the United Nations system.

46. However, a strengthening of the United Nations, as we

see it, cannot come about unless the Organization attains

the universality which is appropriate to its institutional

responsibilities and to its very purpose and which is the

basis of its authority and world-wide influence.

47. The Italian Government therefore trusts that a solution

in keeping with this requirement will be reached on the

question of the representation of China.

48. We hope that, by following this course, the United

Nations may become the effective instrument of peace that

we all wish it to be. To achieve that aim the Organization

must also secure, within the international framework in

which it must operate, political, moral and psychological

conditions that will facilitate the progressive development

of its activities. The first step, therefore, must be to settle

regional crises and conflicts.

49. I am speaking firstly of the crises in the Middle East, a

region which Italy, because of its geographical position,

views with particular interest and concern. In that region

we have been witnessing for over two years a steady

intensification, in gravity and frequency, of incidents which

unfortunately are increasingly taking on the aspect of open

warfare. We feel that this is the time and place to make a

fervent appeal to the parties to refrain from the use of

violence and to all countries in the United Nations to act,

willingly and effectively, according to their responsibilities

and influence, to bring about a peaceful settlement. It is

unthinkable, in our view, that a solution could be achieved

by means of force; it can only come through a political

initiative. We can, therefore, guarantee our support for the

efforts that are being made by the permanent members of

the Security Council on the basis of the resolution of 22

November 1967 [242 (1967)] to clarify its dispositions and

win the consensus of the parties and thus break the present

deadlock. We could not conceive of any solution imposed

from above upon sovereign countries which are understandably

jealous of their independence. We feel that we should,

without being discouraged by the complexity of the

problems and difficulties involved, embark on a patient

search for new formulas and means of contact that would

enable the parties to arrive at substantial agreements.

50. To this end, the exploratory talks that are being

conducted within the United Nations, the work that is

being done by the four permanent members of the Security

Council, and the activities of Ambassador Jarring, could

prove most valuable because it should be possible, through

these channels, to remove the obstacles which are still

preventing in the entire area a final settlement based on

just, definite and secure boundaries recognized by all. It is

generally agreed, we believe, that all States have the right to

live in peace, with integrity and independence assured,

including the State of Israel, which is a Member of the

United Nations and maintains relations with a large number

of other countries. The acknowledgement of this enhances

the right to autonomy, independence and development of

the States in the area of conflict.

51. The tragic events of the past few years, which have

caused death, sorrow and waste of valuable efforts, lead us

to make an impressive assessment of the points on which

there is substantial agreement and to concentrate our

attention on those disagreements which can and must be

overcome. The just settlement which could thus be envisaged

would make it possible to restore peace and remove

the conditions and consequences resulting from the war and

from a state of insecurity and uncertainty that has lasted

for many years. In particular we cannot be insensitive to

the unhappy plight of the many Palestine refugees who

must be given back their faith in life, and in international

justice. The prolonged closure of the Suez Canal has to

some extent altered the geography of the world and has

made maritime communications between countries, which

previously seemed relatively near, more time-consuming

and costly. This is one further reason why an equitable and

enduring political settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict is

so desirable.

52. For our part, we are ready to support any initiative

taken in the United Nations to secure peace in the Middle

Eastern region and to contribute to it, if we are requested

to do so. We should also like the other Powers to appreciate

how necessary it is to halt the rising flow of arms in the

area as a first step, pending a final solution to the problem.

We feel we can make this plea in all conscience, as Italy has

as a matter of consistent policy refrained from sending

military supplies to any country involved in the conflict.

53. I should therefore like to express the wish and the

hope that the Mediterranean area, which throughout the

world’s history has provided a basic channel of communication

and a point of encounter for three continents and

great civilizations, may become an area of peace, solidarity

and progress and fulfil its special function for the benefit of

mankind.

54. Italy is also continuing to follow, with keen anxiety,

the trend of the war which is causing bereavement and

suffering in Viet-Nam. In our view, it is a matter of prime

concern that those peoples should be in a position to

choose their own destiny freely without outside interference

or pressure. Even though the Paris talks do not so

far seem to have made satisfactory progress, the slowing

down of military operations and the adoption of some

de-escalation measures gives cause for hope that the crisis

will soon enter the substantive phase of negotiations which

we have always advocated and favoured. These remain the

only valid means of restoring peace in that part of the world.

55. This tragic chronicle of crises must inevitably include

the conflict in Nigeria. Respecting the sovereignty of others

and convinced as we are that the solution is only to be

found within an African context, we have always refrained

from interference of any kind. Nevertheless, the very

principles underlying the United Nations and a feeling of

human concern prompt us to renew a heartfelt appeal in

this forum for a rapid cessation of hostilities, which has

now become an undelayable necessity, also for the sake of

alleviating the suffering of a defenceless people.

56. As this bloody fratricidal war continues, it is our

inescapable duty to ensure the continuity of all humanitarian

actions. A speedy and definitive settlement of the

graver regional crises is a pre-condition before we can

embark on a concrete programme for strengthening the

United Nations. But this is not the only requirement. It will

also be necessary for all Member States to support this

programme with specific political commitments, to renounce

from now on the allure of military strength, to set

aside racial hatred and national fanaticism and accept the

necessity, and also the benefits, of multilateral discipline in

international relations.

57. Finally, we must also create the psychological atmosphere

for the beginning of a continuous and fruitful

collaboration between all the regional groups and, in

particular, between the Member States which have the

heaviest responsibilities for the maintenance of peace. This

can only be the result of the relaxation of tension, which all

peoples long for and which is an essential requirement upon

which Italy has insisted for so many years.

58. In order to achieve this relaxation of tension, we must

solve those problems which, especially as regards Europe,

are closely linked with the search for co-operation and

security through the efforts of all the interested countries.

It is therefore a serious error of perspective to think that

individual acts of force, which violate the very principles of

the United Nations, are likely to consolidate the security of

individual States to the detriment of the general equilibrium

of the freedom of others.

59. For this reason, too, we cannot fail to note how much

more difficult the task of building up an atmosphere of

trust has become as a result of the grave upheaval in world

order caused by the events in Czechoslovakia, and how

much discouragement this has brought to those seriously

working for a relaxation of tension.

60. Mindful of the tragic experiences of the two world

wars, we are seeking to give our contribution towards a

system of peace and security in Europe. Indeed, for years we

have been working tenaciously for the creation, especially

among the countries of Western Europe, of a politically and

economically integrated community, open to a fruitful and

dignified dialogue with greater Europe and to co-operation

with the rest of the world. To be sure, we are still far from

that political and economic unification that we seek.

Certainly, we shall not give up these our most ambitious

objectives. The passage of time and the development of

world events will show that our frontiers and our national

sovereignties are anachronistic. It is only by advancing in

this direction that we can build a Western European group,

capable of contributing to a trustworthy collaboration of

the whole of Europe and thus constituting a factor for

equilibrium, stability and peaceful progress in international life.

61. With respect to the countries of the East, we want to

continue to seek points of understanding with a view to

achieving equitable solutions to the gravest problems which

exist, the essential one being that of friendly Germany. In

spite of certain objective uncertainties, we intend to

continue our efforts to relax tension, because no other

policy is imaginable as long as conditions for real progress

exist, even among so many difficulties. The policy of peace

today has no alternative.

62. We should like all the countries of our continent to

make a similar contribution to the relaxation of tension. We

should like them all to understand how sincere is our desire

for the achievement in Europe of an exemplary, trustworthy

and constructive coexistence. This condition is also

necessary if we are all to act together in the United Nations

in the service of world peace.

63. In his message on the occasion of the marvellous lunar

exploit of last July the Secretary-General stressed that the

plaque placed on the surface of the moon by the two United

States astronauts bore the inscription “We came in peace

for all mankind“. In these simple and human terms the

Secretary-General expressed the hope that the exploit

which has opened the way for the conquest of space will

inspire on earth a great upsurge of human solidarity.

64. I believe that the best contribution which the United

Nations can make to the realization of this hope is to work

with perseverance towards the creation of an international

order in which man’s growing control over the physical

world does not become a means of destruction but solely a

factor for progress and peace.

65. I would like therefore, for my own part, to express the

hope that the twenty-fifth anniversary of the United

Nations may stimulate our efforts and strengthen our

determination in the pursuit of the great task. With this

hope, Madam President, I confirm to you that the United

Nations can always count on the fervent support of the

Italian Government.