Italy, 2004

This year’s general debate

unfolds against an international backdrop in which

terrorist acts of great ferocity have become all too

common. The latest, heinous form of terrorism is

hostage-taking, which has caused deep sorrow to many

of our nations. Again and again, the international

community has been caught off guard, unable to

respond quickly or effectively. New humanitarian

catastrophes have afflicted some of the world’s poorest

peoples. Difficult stabilization processes are still under

way in many regions where the international community

is implementing United Nations resolutions.

Some areas of the world have seen economic and

social progress. Yet we cannot ignore the fact that

entire regions — especially in Africa — are crippled

by poverty, malnutrition, disease and illiteracy. That is

why Italy takes a leading role in combating those ills in

multilateral forums and through bilateral means.

Our peoples demand security. We must join

forces to strengthen international cooperation and to

confront the common threat of terrorist organizations.

The false prophets of terror are able to spread their

message of death as a result of ignorance among

cultures. To counter their distortions, we should

mobilize people’s consciences and strengthen dialogue

among civilizations with different histories but shared

values and a common belief in human dignity.

Peace and development — the agenda of security

and human promotion — are related goals that require

a coordinated approach carried out through multilateral

institutions and in a spirit of equal partnership with

developing countries. In that regard, I would like to

stress the fundamental importance of a major event that

will take place in 2005. That initiative will be a unique

opportunity for a comprehensive review of progress

towards the attainment of the Millennium Development

Goals.

In our globalized, interdependent world,

international organizations are expected to provide

leadership not only through abstract formulations of

general principles, but also through effective, shared

initiatives supported by broad consensus. Our priority

is to strengthen the multilateral system and to

reinvigorate the role of the United Nations. That is the

responsibility that the Secretary-General set out for us

27

at the last session of the General Assembly. There are

two conditions for success: a sounder understanding of

the threats we face and a broad consensus on the

policies aimed at confronting them. Effective

multilateralism depends much more on political will

and shared goals than on structures and procedures.

The multilateral system — which demands

responsibility and commitment — is judged by the

results it enables us to achieve. That is why the whole

international community must be involved, starting

with the States that command greater resources and

capabilities. Multilateral decisions can be difficult, but

that is no excuse for inaction.

The starting point for United Nations reform is a

review of the Organization’s policies. Italy welcomes

the reform of United Nations peacekeeping and peace-

building, which we — as the sixth largest contributor to

the United Nations budget and one of the top contributors

of troops to peacekeeping operations over the past 10

years — support. Strengthening that critical sector will

help to prevent the recurrence of conflicts, to consolidate

the gains of peace, to re-establish the rule of law and to

guarantee freedom for all. Italy will also continue to

support the growing financial, operational and training

demands of new missions, particularly in Africa —

here, I am also thinking about the New Partnership for

Africa’s Development — and elsewhere.

Crisis management is a United Nations priority

that demands greater coordination of its components

and a stronger commitment on the part of Member

States to protect human beings and to uphold their

dignity. We thus look forward to the report of the Panel

of Eminent Personalities appointed by the Secretary-

General. The membership will have to examine it and

discuss its recommendations thoroughly and openly.

A firm agreement on the policies of the United

Nations must be upheld by institutions that enjoy the

consensus and participation of the membership. We are

encouraged by the results achieved so far with regard

to improving the functioning of the General Assembly.

On Security Council reform, we have not yet

been able to find an agreement that reconciles the

various approaches on the table. That should not deter us

from seeking solutions that are not divisive. Any decision

imposed upon Member States would seriously undermine

the credibility of the Council and the legitimacy of its

action. Confronted with global challenges of great

magnitude, the international community cannot afford

profound divisions within its ranks.

Italy is in favour of a Security Council reform

inspired by the principles of greater inclusiveness,

effectiveness, democratic participation and geographic

representation, starting with the developing countries.

We are firmly convinced that the best way to pursue

such a reform is to establish new non-permanent seats.

Since States would occupy those seats on the basis of

periodic elections, they would be accountable to the

general membership.

Some Member States, however, have advocated

the addition of new permanent seats — for themselves.

We do not believe the Council’s difficulties can be

resolved through new permanent, irrevocable

appointments and national mandates. Such a move

would sow division, frustration, and perhaps

disengagement, among the membership. Important

areas of the world would be left without representation.

For one, there would be no seat at the Council table for

the Arab and Islamic world. Can the international

community really afford this at a time when we are

trying to broaden the dialogue among different faiths

and cultures?

On the other hand, if a broad consensus emerges

with full respect for the sovereign equality of all

Member States, we are willing to contemplate more

frequent rotation or longer terms for countries that

make a greater contribution to the objectives of the

United Nations. Should reflections of the High-level

Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change be driven by

such a bold and innovative approach, we would

strongly support their endeavour. I am convinced that

many other countries would also be ready to accept it.

In addition, a closer relationship should be built

between elected members and their regional groups.

That would enhance the accountability of elected

members and would make the Council more

representative and its deliberations more legitimate.

Already in San Francisco in 1945 the founding

fathers recognized the importance of regional

organizations, whose relations with the United Nations

are governed by Chapter VIII of the Charter, and

whose role has grown steadily in the years that

followed. Increasingly, States belonging to the same

region have felt a sense of common responsibility for

crises affecting them all. Moreover, regional

28

arrangements provide small to mid-size States with a

greater say in the decisions of international forums.

More should be done to express those realities at

the United Nations and in the Security Council. As a

founding member of the European Union, the

depositary of its treaties and the host for the solemn

signature of the new European Constitution, Italy

believes that today’s 25-member European Union has a

fundamental contribution to make to the objectives of

the United Nations. We have always worked to allow

the European Union to speak with a single, more

influential, voice. We realize, of course, that we are

dealing with a gradual process. Nevertheless, we must

stay the course and not jeopardize the achievement of

our goal in the interests of all Europeans.

Let me conclude with a final, strong appeal to

States Members. Let us join forces, abandon national

ambitions and seek the least divisive ways to enhance

multilateralism. That is the only way the international

community can meet the global challenges of the new

millennium. In deciding between the satisfaction of the

few and the inclusion of the many, the wrong choice is

a luxury that the United Nations — at the very heart of

the international system — can ill afford to make.