Djibouti, 1992

First of all, let

me convey to all members of the General Assembly the greetings of the people

of Djibouti.

I should like to take this opportunity to address to you, Mr. President,

my warmest congratulations on your election to the presidency of the General

Assembly at its forty-seventh session. I am convinced that you will guide our

deliberations in such a way as to bring them to a successful conclusion, and I

wish you every success.

That was the case at last year's session, at which Mr. Samir Shihabi,

Ambassador of a great fraternal country, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, presided

over the General Assembly. We are indebted to him for the important

achievements in the field of restructuring and revitalizing the United

Nations. I should like to express to the former Permanent Representative, who

is leaving us, our best wishes for the future.

I should also like to pay a well-deserved tribute to the son of Africa

and the Arab world, my brother and friend Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali,

Secretary-General of the United Nations, for the dignified and enlighten way

in which, for almost a year, he has been discharging his duties in the

Secretariat. I wish to emphasize that my country fully appreciates the

efforts Mr. Boutros-Ghali is making to find lasting solutions to the various

crises and wars throughout the world, thus promoting peace and international

cooperation.

Moreover, in his annual report on the activities of the Organization, the

Secretary-General has highlighted the many vital issues before the United

Nations ranging from the Organization's financial crisis to its added

responsibilities as a result of the changes under way, which are sorely

testing the resources available to the Organization.

In this respect, the establishment by the Secretary-General of an

advisory group of eminent persons to study and formulate proposals to make the

United Nations financially solvent seems to us to be an appropriate and timely

initiative.

Lastly, it is with great pleasure that I welcome the States which have

joined the United Nations this year.

The end of the cold war has brought important issues into sharp focus,

namely, sovereignty, peace-keeping and democracy. National boundaries are

fast collapsing and internal civil strife is growing with increasing intensity.

The changing context of the international political landscape and the

concomitant flareup of conflicts in many regions of the world are sufficient

reason to reflect upon new ways and means to contain the evolving threats to

international peace and security. In that regard, the Secretary-General's

Agenda for Peace contains ideas and proposals such as the use of preventive

diplomacy, peace-keeping and peace-making; it deserves the fullest attention

of the General Assembly.

States new and old are ravaged by ethnic and clan rivalries. The United

Nations therefore needs the unwavering support of the international community

in order to be able to respond urgently, effectively and substantially to

these new phenomena of our time. Will the nascent democracies, in their weak

and poorly equipped condition, be able to cope with urgent demands for

material improvement? And if they cannot deliver, could they not lose popular

support? Democracy under relatively favourable conditions is obviously far

different both in theory and in practice indeed, in every respect from

democracy in a country in a vicious circle of dependence, poverty and

instability.

The proliferation of political parties in a pluralistic system invariably

leads to parties based on ethnicity. Clearly, there must be an alternative

framework for these democracies suffering from dire economic conditions and

from chronic problems of debt, disease, hunger and poverty. The Speaker of

Namibia's National Assembly described the situation forthrightly:

"We have learned that once you have acquired a constitution and achieved

the goal of political independence and freedom, you will find that you

cannot eat votes in a ballot box".

In Africa and many countries elsewhere in the developing world, we see

pressure being exerted to reduce and disperse national sovereignty. This is a

dangerous precedent in the new regional and international order that is

emerging. In his address to the summit of non-aligned countries at Jakarta,

the Secretary-General forcefully expressed his apprehension, saying that

"Recent geopolitical changes are characterized by a greater degree

of homogeneity in the world, which we welcome as a precious harbinger of

concord and unity. Yet neither decolonization nor the dismantling of the

blocs has erased the phenomenon of power. Attempts to dominate, either

world-wide or regionally, remain. They continue to threaten the weakest

and poorest States, which are still the most numerous in the world".

I share the view of the Secretary-General that the new world order must

be based on democracy in international relations, and that at the same time

each of us, particularly the developing countries, must remain steadfast on

the fundamental principles of national sovereignty, non-intervention in the

internal affairs of a State, and international cooperation.

In my last address to this Assembly, on 21 September 1977, on the

occasion of my country's admission to the United Nations, I described in

addition to the joy we felt on acceding to our freedom my determination to

contribute to adherence to respect for human rights in the Horn of Africa.

That ambition was no doubt too lofty, or premature, for since then too many

events - often tragic have occurred; their harmful consequences show no sign

of abatement.

We are aware of, and grateful for, the vital and essential role played by

the Secretary-General in bringing the question of Somalia squarely before the

Security Council, in the signature of the cease-fire agreement concluded in

New York between hostile brothers, and in the deployment of United Nations

forces to deliver humanitarian assistance.

Thus, to the international community, which has now made a massive

response with humanitarian assistance, we convey all our gratitude and our

support in this urgent task, which includes the restoration of civil peace and

security in Somalia.

The nightmarish sight of children breathing their last in their mothers'

emaciated arms, and those equally unbearable images of women and old men who

no longer have the strength even to walk or to show the least expression in

their faces and whose death is already in their eyes, shocked us as they

shocked the whole world. In the name of what might could a whole nation

condemn itself to self-destruction? The tragedy in Somalia is not inevitable;

that is to say, human stupidity sometimes causes more devastation than natural

disasters. While the world has belatedly come to realize the full extent of

what is happening today in that country, there is nothing to indicate that

this tragedy will not claim more victims hundreds of thousands of them in

the months to come.

Somalia as we knew it no longer exists. In the absence of national

government and central authority, the nation has been plunged into total

anarchy. Indeed, it has returned to a state of veritable barbarism.

The differences involved have nothing to do with ideology or politics.

It is simply sheer, blind obsession with power. We clearly see the result of

the tenacity of the oppressive, tyrannical warlords and clans who have reduced

a whole country to rubble.

Somalia, which has never in its history known such a famine or such a

disaster, needs all of us to save it from this apocalypse that has descended

on its people, victims of the folly and narrow-minded egotism of men. A whole

country has been razed, reduced to rubble, by war, drought and famine. It is

a wasteland ruled by armed gangs of bandits and looters. death, human misery

and abject poverty are rampant.

Providing humanitarian assistance under such conditions of warfare is

extremely dangerous. In Somalia's neighbouring countries, including Djibouti<

the Somali refugees are either in urban centres, straining already-limited and

underdeveloped resources, or in camps that are dangerously crowded, facing

shortages of food and medical supplies.

Nobody can say with certainty how many people have already died, but at

least 1.5 million people, one-third of the population, are threatened with

starvation, children, women and old people being especially vulnerable. I can

only echo the desperation of a Red Cross official in Baidoa who said, "We are

in the middle of the tunnel, and we can't see the light yet."

Our hearts go out to the personnel of the international humanitarian

organizations who, despite the dangers, care for, feed and save the lives of

the innocent victims of this senseless fratricide.

The question before us today is not only how to save lives through the

delivery of sufficient food to end the famine or how to stop the senseless

fighting. Rather, in a scenario like that of Somalia, the question is what

the United Nations, together with the international community, can devise

collectively to reorganize a new nation of Somalia. Let us make a commitment

today that we are bound together by the purposes and principles enshrined in

the Charter not to let any country simply vanish from our midst!

There is another persistent crisis which continues to shock us all,

namely, the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The entire world is horrified

at the war being waged in that very young republic. For several months now,

the country has been facing armed aggression from outside. The efforts made

to date by the international community to halt the aggression by Serbia and

Montenegro by political and economic means and to settle this crisis

peacefully have been in vain. It is, on the contrary, becoming more and more

evident that the Serbian authorities are using this conflict to carry out a

policy of "ethnic cleansing".

If peace is to prevail in that region, all the provisions of the

agreement reached at the London Conference must be implemented immediately.

And if hostilities still continue, we call on the international community to

implement all the provisions of the Security Council resolutions concerning

recourse to all necessary measures, including military force, to come to the

aid of that martyred country.

Djibouti is addressing the Organization today at a time when it is in the

process of overcoming a war that has been imposed upon it. It will succeed,

thanks to the unfailing attachment of Djiboutians to their homeland and their

will to live together in peace; thanks to the support of fraternal and

friendly countries, and thanks, lastly, to the continued assistance of the

United Nations in defence of our right to sovereignty, independence and peace.

Since its accession to independence, on 27 June 1977, the Republic

of Djibouti has had to face not only complex problems of economic and

social development, but also and above all - the negative impact on its

precarious socio-economic infrastructure of the constant, destabilizing

wars in the region.

Devastation is never confined to the geographical area of one

country or one subregion; it extends across frontiers and endangers the

stability of neighbouring countries, whose populations are, in most cases,

of the same origin.

This is precisely what is happening in Djibouti, whose population is

increasing daily as a result of the continual influx of men, women and

children with no alternative but to abandon their country for a more

hospitable environment. For many months now Djibouti has been playing

host to an alarming number of refugees and displaced persons. I therefore

feel compelled to look to the future needs of our State, which cannot

indefinitely share its meagre resources without risking to the adverse

reactions of the community whose interests it has a duty to safeguard.

While we have been struggling through this difficult ordeal the

international community, rather than relieving and helping us, has

unfortunately perceived the problem only from the purely humanitarian

standpoint, thus disregarding the negative consequences for the entire

social and economic life of my country.

In response to the egalitarian ideas we have been hearing for many

years, which originate from beyond our frontiers, my Government has been

constantly engaged in examining all possibilities which might lead to the

restoration of peace. It has also pursued a process leading to the

establishment of new institutions, which were put to the judgement of the

voters at the beginning of this month.

The response of the people was astonishingly clear. The vote was

preceded by a law instituting a general amnesty relating to events during

the period characterized by the de facto partition, brought about on the

initiative of a negligible portion of the population. They had

considerable foreign reinforcements, who came from not very far away, and

whose motives, as well as the origin of the resources they received, were

not hard to ascertain.

Some may consider that this is only a phase, despite the

introduction of a multiparty system and the fixing of dates for the people

to choose their representatives at all levels of political life. I

believe that I have reason to hope that, with the understanding of

friendly countries, the support of international organizations, the good

will of our people and the help of the Almighty, our nation can look to a

future full of possibilities and with renewed hope.

The serious recent events in South Africa in particular, the

Boipatong massacre on 17 June 1992 and more recently the killing of 28

demonstrators show the extent to which violence is still the order of

the day. The refusal of the South African authorities to control that

violence is casting a shadow over the progress made in South Africa's

political life and is disrupting the process of peaceful change which the

majority of the South African people so earnestly desire.

There is no alternative to negotiations for peaceful change in South

Africa. To this end, the international community will have to continue to

put pressure on the authorities in Pretoria to take the energetic measures

required to contain once and for all the forces opposed to the elimination

of apartheid. To do this, they must create a climate of security

conducive to the resumption of dialogue for the emergence of a united,

democratic and non-racial South Africa.

We welcome the deployment of United Nations observers, who I hope

will help to avoid further massacres and to relaunch a constructive

dialogue between the Government and the majority of the South African

population.

All of our attention has been focused on the initiatives and efforts

under way in Washington to promote a credible peace that will lead to a

just and comprehensive solution to the Arab-Israeli crisis. In welcoming

those developments, Djibouti pays tribute to the Government of the United

States of America and to all those contributing to the establishment of a

just and lasting peace in that part of the Middle East.

Nevertheless, the following are essential conditions for peaceful

coexistence among the peoples of the region; the self-determination of the

Palestinian people; a total freeze on settlements; the abandonment of all

repressive policies and practices against the population of the occupied

territories; and the withdrawal from all the Arab territories occupied

since June 1967, including East Jerusalem.

Like all nations of the world, the Arabs want peace. They have

demonstrated this desire and proved it time and again through a series of

goodwill gestures and indeed through substantial major compromises in the

current negotiating framework. This wisdom and this openness of mind have not

to date been reciprocated by compatible language. What the Arabs are calling

for is comprehensive and genuine talks that fully and seriously address the

key issues of peace, land and security. Let us see if Israel will start once

and for all to negotiate in good faith. Let us see if it will move in tandem

with the propitious international political climate. By continually demanding

more security and more concessions while the status quo over territory and

peace persists, Israel is simply squandering a precious moment. It is high

time that reason prevailed over age-old hatred, acrimony, injustice and

obstinacy.

In his annual report on the work of the Organization, the economic

situation in the world in general and, in particular, the constant

deterioration of the economies of most of the developing countries, the

Secretary-General amply illustrates the bleak economic situation that exists

in most of the world. Although the responsibility for solving economic

problems at the national level rests in the first place with the countries

concerned, no national effort, however forceful it may be, can be viably

sustained unless it is undertaken within the framework of a responsibility

shared with the international community and, even more important, unless it is

backed by appropriate arrangements, a favourable environment and effective

international assistance.

The task facing the Africans is complex and of considerable scope. It

will call for great efforts, indeed sacrifices, on our part. In this respect

the new programme for the development of Africa in the 1990s, which is a

contract between Africa and its international partners, merits the support of

the international community.

I cannot disregard the fact that the impressive changes we have mentioned

have taken place against a background of rising levels of poverty among vast

sectors of the world's population. Redefining international cooperation for

development must consequently be the new priority of the multilateral

programme. It is thus essential to define a broader approach to this

cooperation, one which pays particular attention to the developing countries

in general, and to the least developed countries in particular, with a view to

achieving sustainable development.

The adoption of the Rio Declaration, Agenda 21 and the other agreements

reached at the historic Rio Conference demonstrates that the international

community is prepared to work in partnership for the protection of the

environment and the introduction of a development taking into account the

economic equilibrium of all. The "Spirit of Rio" has engendered great hopes

for the one billion human beings living in extreme deprivation. Now

everything depends on the follow-up and implementation of the programmes

agreed.

The new mechanisms and practical measures to be negotiated during this

session of the General Assembly ought, in our view, to permit access by the

developing countries to technology and additional financial resources. We

express the hope that the pledges to finance the objectives of Agenda 21 will

be commensurate with the task; the credibility of the international community

is at stake. The new commission on sustainable development, soon to be

established, will have to provide the necessary infusion of energy and

institute bold policies that will enable us to face the attendant challenges.

In conclusion, we in the Republic of Djibouti are confidently awaiting

the day when all the peoples of the Horn of Africa will have overcome the

spectre of famine and poverty and will live in peace and prosperity.