Djibouti, 2000

On behalf

of the people of Djibouti, it is a great pleasure indeed

to extend our sincere greetings to one and all at this

Millennium Assembly. May I also, Mr. President,

convey our congratulations on your election. Your vast

and varied experience will serve the Assembly well.

I should also like to express our appreciation to

your predecessor, Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab of Namibia,

for the excellent work done and the achievements

registered. He showed great skill and commitment in

his task. Clearly the accomplishments of the fifty-

fourth session were, to a large extent, due to his

leadership, dedication and tireless efforts.

No organization, particularly one such as the

United Nations, can survive for any length of time if

beset, as it is, with mounting demands and dwindling

resources, and without deft, tenacious and imaginative

leadership. The trials and tribulations of the United

Nations have continued unabated during the past year.

It has had to restore peace and to tackle wars, conflicts,

natural disasters and disease while also addressing

development. The list of difficulties goes on. Yet the

Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, has managed to

strengthen the Organization and make it better suited to

meet the demands of the times. Under his enlightened

guidance, the United Nations continues to play a

credible and meaningful international role. We are

fortunate indeed.

This being the last General Assembly session of

the decade, the century and indeed the millennium, it is

the ideal time for us to reflect on the state of the world

and of its peoples. There has been an all-pervading

desire on the part of the United Nations and its

Member States, to see fresh momentum in order to

generate the necessary energy to deal with the new

millennium and address critical issues. We have come

to realize that the strength of our resolve and our

determination to deal with the challenge of securing a

better, safer and healthier world for its inhabitants will

be decisive for the future of humankind. In many

respects, however, it is still an open question.

It is perhaps a sign of the times when any

overview of the world today must give prominence to

the fact that the world is being ravaged by a disease,

namely AIDS. This deadly epidemic is continuing to

spread. We are all aware of its terrible toll, particularly

in Africa, where it is decimating youth, the

professional classes, the labour force and health-care

systems. The will of the international community will

be put to the test, and we will see how it responds in

crisis situations.

Last year I noted that dialogue had been renewed

between Palestine and Israel, which opened a

promising opportunity for charting a new course in the

Middle East. While it is true that the recent Camp

David peace talks are still suspended, nonetheless a

great deal was accomplished in terms of fully exploring

the scope and diversity of the issues under

consideration. There was at least a workable level of

trust and a clear willingness to discuss the key “final

status” issues of borders, settlements, water, refugees,

statehood and, above all, the status of Jerusalem. It is

difficult, however, to imagine any resolution or

settlement that would not include Palestinian control of

East Jerusalem. Israel's continued claim to the entire

city, which would include control of Muslim holy sites

in the Old City, adjoining Muslim and Christian

quarters and selected Arab villages, would be

counterproductive to peace.

Any mention of the Middle East must, of course,

include a reference to the enormous loss suffered by

Syria and the world at large with the death of the long-

serving President of Syria, Hafez Al-Assad. We wish

the new President, Bashar Al-Assad, all the best in his

efforts to follow in the footsteps of his illustrious

father.

In my address last year, I touched upon the spread

and intensity of wars; rebel and splinter movements;

and factional fighting in Africa. Sadly, while there have

been some encouraging developments, a basic

uncertainty remains. Fortunately, fighting between

Djibouti's neighbours, Ethiopia and Eritrea, has ceased,

and troop redeployment and the deployment of United

Nations observers are expected to take place soon

under the ceasefire arrived at under the auspices of the

Organization of African Unity. The level of death and

destruction in these hostilities simply defies the

imagination, and the sight of so many civilians

displaced from their homes and deprived of their

livelihood, crowded into camps on both sides, is truly a

disheartening experience. It is high time for the

member countries of the Intergovernmental Authority

on Development (IGAD) to opt for a comprehensive

peace and cessation of hostilities in this subregion, in

order collectively to focus on development and address

the serious challenges posed by environmental

disasters, such as the current looming drought.

As concerns other parts of Africa, the persisting

conflict in Angola is still with us, although

Government forces appear to be gaining the upper

hand. Regarding the conflict in Sierra Leone, the

sudden international concern to see that the belligerents

are not allowed to sell the precious minerals of their

country on the world market should, it is to be hoped,

reduce their capacity to wage war. This may be

particularly true for both these countries. We are

pleased to see the measures being taken by the De

Beers group and the Belgian authorities to close

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international access to these bloodstained commodities.

Similar action must be taken with respect to other

commodities as well.

Undoubtedly, the most ominous threat to the

continent at present lies in its centre, in the Democratic

Republic of the Congo, where the ceasefire arranged

last year has suffered a number of setbacks. The United

Nations has been unable to deploy troops as envisaged.

Talks between the Government and the opposition

appear to have broken off, raising the dangerous

spectre of a return to civil war, which could be

disastrous for the entire continent. The distraught

people of that nation deserve a respite from instability

and insecurity in order to be able to enjoy normal lives.

In all these critical areas, be it the AIDS crisis,

ever-growing poverty, wars, the environment, human

rights abuses, weapons of mass destruction or lack of

development, the United Nations remains the only

Organization with the requisite experience and know-

how to focus and refine the disparate efforts of

humankind.

Decisions regarding the maintenance of

international peace and security lie with the Security

Council, which, with the explosion of United Nations

membership over the last three decades, has become a

not very representative body. If we are to restore

confidence in its decisions, there has to be, at all costs,

an expansion in its membership, both permanent and

non-permanent, with the extension of permanent

membership to both developed and non-developed

countries. The Council should also have access to

better information on unstable regions, and a rapid

response capability. Furthermore, when serious

humanitarian crises are unfolding, measures to limit the

spread and impact of conflict should be taken on a

selective, case-by-case basis, but across the board by

all Members.

Like last year, I again intend to dwell on the

problem of Somalia, and I again request the indulgence

of the Assembly. At that time, Somalia was on the

verge of total disintegration, following years of

political paralysis. Urgent measures were needed to

reverse this tragedy, a tragedy to which the

international community had grown largely indifferent.

The mood was simply one of waiting for the warlords

to eliminate one another until a victor emerged with

whom business could be done. In the meantime, those

individuals carried out systematic dismantling,

destruction and looting of the Somali nation, ignoring

consistent calls to change their reckless and criminal

behaviour.

This, however, cannot be tolerated any longer.

The people have spoken at last. They have decided

against endless uncertainty and aberration. They were

sapped of their strength. The people have now opted

for government, law and order, and a better future. We

urge the international community, therefore, to respect

the will of the Somali people, and to refuse to continue

to cooperate with those destructive elements that made

Somalia synonymous with chaos and violence.

Somalia as a nation, as an entity, seemed

condemned to a slow death, unable to expect either

regional or international intervention or a positive

change in the behaviour of the warlords. Saving

Somalia, therefore, necessitated moving away from the

usual practice, which revolved around a few, familiar,

self-anointed representatives of the people. Rather than

provide them with yet another opportunity to play their

game of deception, I suggested that it was time to move

beyond them; time to empower the Somali people; time

the Somali people assumed responsibility for their own

destiny. There needed to be a conference of all the

actors, the ultimate objective of which would be the re-

establishment of peace, government, legitimacy and

reconstruction. I believe that a true reconciliation of all

segments of Somali society would tap into the popular

mood of the Somali people, who overwhelmingly

rejected the status quo. There was at last a burning

desire for change; a change that would transform the

lives of the people and would restore respect, dignity

and integrity; one that meant peace, security and

development. For the first time, there was an

alternative in sight: not the power of the gun, but the

power of the people.

The peace process was designed to embrace the

whole country, including regions that enjoyed relative

peace and stability. It was to be comprehensive,

inclusive and transparent, excluding no individual,

group, sector or region.

But beyond comprehensive reconciliation, the

goal was to create a national framework leading to an

administration that represented the people fairly,

protected their basic rights and values and guaranteed

liberty and justice for all. Somalia, after all, was a

nation that had gone without a government during the

longest period of State collapse in the modern era. It

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was a country where the law of the gun, lust for power

and vengeance dominated the landscape, until fear and

ruthlessness had decimated every opportunity for

peace. The predictable outcome was a social and

institutional collapse without parallel in this century.

The key aspect of the Djibouti-led IGAD peace

process was its bottom-up approach, which emphasized

community participation in discussions, slowly

consolidating the gains achieved. This process not only

was cumbersome, slow, painful, frustrating and visibly

fragile at times, but also endured international

scepticism and indifference. All along, we insisted on

the openness, independence and integrity of the process

to enable the majority of unarmed Somalis, including

elders, traditional and religious leaders, scholars,

women, politicians, the youth and the civil society at

large, to own the process. Accordingly, our efforts were

directed towards safeguarding the conceptual

framework and rejecting all conditional offers of

assistance, material or otherwise, while always

remaining open or receptive to ideas or proposals that

deepened and enriched the process.

The conference itself represented the culmination

of a series of consultations, meetings, symposiums and

contacts that took place over the first six months of the

year. Its objective was to overcome and resolve some

of the most divisive and emotional national issues. The

elaborate, extensive and admittedly costly preparations

were necessary to heal the painful past and formulate

sensible humanitarian and political guarantees and

safeguards. Never again should there be toleration of

the kind of hateful human rights violations and gross

abuses of power that had destroyed the country.

While the process took time and went through

several phases, it enabled delegates to address all

aspects of Somalia's collapse, spurred by the strong

desire for peace prevailing in the country.

The cornerstone of the process was the key role

played by the traditional leaders, particularly in the

achievement of the broadest possible reconciliation

among the Somali clans. For long stretches of time,

amounting to years, there had been virtually no contact

between them, allowing each to pile up grievances

throughout the conflict. Slowly and painfully, the

conference persistently addressed complex political

issues, while striving to overcome deep animosities and

implacable attitudes.

The very critical first phase of the conference

began on 2 May and concluded in early June. It was the

most important phase, for we must bear in mind that

more than 200 elders and traditional leaders from every

part of the country were coming together for the first

time — not the first time in 10 years, but the first time

in the entire existence of Somalia as a State — seeking

to overcome a decade of frustration, fear, anger,

suspicion and mistrust, without ever having had contact

with each other before. Slowly, this legacy of the past

was overcome and replaced with a common purpose:

the search for a new destiny and a sense of the need to

act at all costs. Through the wisdom, persistence and

sincerity of these elders, it was possible to complete

the reconciliation and to establish solid structures for

the second phase. The core political choices could then

be made.

The second phase began on 15 June, with the

participation of over 2,000 delegates. The setting of

this conference bore no resemblance to any in the past,

because this one took place in a giant tent. There were

no class or social distinctions evident among the

participants, who included women, representatives of

all minorities, a number of warlords and, of course, the

entire clan mosaic of Somalia. Proceedings were

covered by satellite and on the Internet in order to

enable Somalis everywhere in the world to keep abreast

of developments. Participants outnumbered the

residents in Arta, the hill-top resort town, which was

the venue for the conference. Nearly every resident

contributed to the conference one way or another,

particularly in accommodating this huge and sudden

influx of visitors.

This phase of the conference made it possible to

address many issues, from civil strife, human rights,

healing and reconciliation, the economy, the political

structure, disarmament, transitional mechanisms such

as the interim constitution, the legislation, the

government and the judiciary system. Slowly, an

irreversible momentum, a feeling of rebirth, took

shape. In a real sense, it was Somalia's second

independence, this time not from colonialism but from

chaos and utter hopelessness.

After one month of intensive drafting and debate,

an interim constitution, or charter, was adopted. It

established the number of representatives, including a

quota for women, in the new assembly and the

modalities for their election. This major step in the

process signalled the beginning of a truly nationwide

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reconciliation effort, as it contained a series of

accommodations, including a clan-based system as the

political mechanism for power sharing during the

three-year interim authority. The resulting transitional

national authority could therefore be a highly workable

vehicle for both the parties who are for the process and

the troublemakers. No one, though, should take either

the reconciliation process or the new institutions as

shielding any individual from past misdeeds or war

crimes. This is among the challenges that will confront

future constitutional Governments of Somalia.

Let me say that 26 August 2000 is a date which

will forever stir the hearts and spirits of Somalis. It was

on this date that Somalia's interim parliament elected

the country's first president in more than a decade.

Starting with a field of 25 candidates, voting was

completed after several rounds and more than ten hours

of bargaining and negotiating in order to secure cross-

clan support within the Assembly to win the necessary

majority. Interest among Somali viewers for the

conference and the elections was certainly heightened

by up-to-the-minute radio and satellite coverage, which

permitted Somalis everywhere to follow the elections

and the debates that had preceded them since the

beginning of the process.

The man chosen from among the candidates is

here with us today. This man in the news is Abdikassim

Salad Hassan, the new President of Somalia, a

seasoned, urbane, and a highly experienced politician,

who has already demonstrated his rare skills through a

series of visits and engagements, both inside Somalia

and externally. I wholeheartedly congratulate him and

welcome him and his delegation most warmly in this

Assembly.

What a joy to see Somalia retake its rightful place

among the community of nations! The realization of

having a president at last fills Somalis everywhere with

emotional exuberance. People are dancing and singing

in the streets in what was described as a spontaneous

national holiday. We wish to express our deepest

gratitude to the member States of IGAD and to Yemen

who were represented at the highest level to witness

the swearing-in ceremony of the new president; we are

equally grateful to Saudi Arabia, France, Egypt, Libya,

Italy, Kuwait, the Organization of African Unity

(OAU), the League of Arab States and the United

Nations for having sent high level delegations. And, of

course, we wish to thank the entire diplomatic

community in Djibouti for their presence and steadfast

support.

Undoubtedly, we fully acknowledge the realism

and genuine understanding so readily displayed

throughout this process by the other immediate

neighbours of Somalia, namely Kenya and Ethiopia.

We have also received tremendous comfort from the

continued encouragement and support from the

Secretary-General and his able staff both in New York

and in the region, particularly, from his Special

Representative, Mr. David Stephen, and his staff,

whose presence in the conference throughout the

process proved remarkably beneficial. Equally, the

unfailing commitment demonstrated by the Security

Council throughout its series of statements since the

launch of the initiative has been a source of constant

comfort.

Obviously, the peace process invariably enjoyed

full and unambiguous backing of IGAD, OAU, the

League of Arab States, the Organization of the Islamic

Conference and the European Union. We are deeply

appreciative of their steady and principled stand. The

Somali people will be forever grateful. Following the

formation of the new Somali parliament, the Security

Council reiterated that the preservation of the territorial

integrity of the country was the precondition for overall

normalization in Somalia and recommended that

regional organizations work towards that end.

Some discordant voices have been raised

questioning the acceptance of the new Government and

its ability to return to Somalia. Some scoffed it would

be a phantom government-in-exile, lacking legitimacy

and resources. However, the triumphant return as well

as the ecstatic welcome from the public of the new

President-elect, Abdikassim, into Mogadishu, the

centre of conflict, and the unprecedented show of

support from all militiamen, including those allied to

faction leaders, put the baseless stories to rest once and

forever.

For those individuals who chose to oppose the

creation of a representative and democratic

Government, presumably because they are no longer at

centre stage in Somalia, they need to come to terms

with reality. A generous hand has been extended to all

those people to join their peace-loving neighbours in

supporting the talks, and now the Government. In fact,

I personally invited and met with several of them in

Djibouti for discussions in order to assure them there

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was a place for everyone in the new Somalia under its

proposed federal structure. Now, with a Government in

place, the ball is in their court. We can only hope that

they will make good use of the remaining opportunity

for reconciliation and accommodation by placing the

country first before their personal interests.

The rebirth of Somalia opens unlimited

possibilities for Somalis throughout the world to

rebuild their country. With the expected gradual return

to normality in the country, the diaspora will have the

incentive to invest in their homeland, bringing the

capital and expertise needed to create employment

opportunities for the youth.

It is to be hoped that the international community

will mobilize emergency assistance for Somalia to

enable the Government to lead the country, re-establish

itself and re-create basic institutions and capacities. In

the meantime, planning for medium- and long-term

development must begin with the support of

international financial institutions, the donor

community, the United Nations and regional

organizations.

Finally, let me state with all candour that for us in

Djibouti this process has strained our meagre

resources, but neither our resolve nor our faith. It has

challenged our courage and perseverance, but our

commitment has not wavered. Our people have made

an exemplary effort and sacrifice.

May this endurance test of our people, and of the

Somali people as well, serve as a source of inspiration

and mark the beginning of what could be a major

accomplishment for the Horn of Africa, and indeed for

Africa and mankind as a whole.