Djibouti, 1997

I wish to extend to the

President the warm congratulations of my delegation on his

election to preside over the fifty-second session of the

General Assembly. We are on the verge of what may be a

defining moment in the direction and capabilities of the

Organization. His vast diplomatic experience assures us that

at this moment the reins will indeed be in very capable

hands.

We must also deeply thank his predecessor,

Ambassador Razali Ismail of Malaysia, for the high level

of relevance, focus and commitment achieved at the fifty-

first session under his bold and astute stewardship as

President. His forthright appraisals of the critical issues

facing the Organization, particularly the extraordinary

impetus he injected into the question of the reform of the

United Nations, will be felt well into the next millennium.

We are also very pleased to offer our sincere

congratulations to the new Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi

Annan. In less than a year since assuming that high

responsibility he has already brought his considerable

experience and vision to bear on the operations of the

United Nations. Throughout his long and faithful service

with the United Nations he has demonstrated a keen

awareness of the need for a strong and responsive

Organization. His all-encompassing reform proposals go a

long way towards realizing a dream that has often eluded

us in the past. We are confident he will persevere in his

onerous task of keeping the Organization afloat.

The report of the Secretary-General on the work of the

Organization is an excellent starting point for an overview

of the principal issues confronting mankind today. On the

one hand, there are widespread ripple effects emanating

from the end of the cold war, the advent of a single global

market and the trend towards democratization and respect

for human rights. On the other hand, there are the ominous

trends towards the fragmentation of societies, the search for

new identities and the consequent spread of civil strife and

conflict. Today, therefore, the need to deal with post-

conflict situations is as critical as the need to prevent them.

There is now universal recognition that much of this

conflict is the result of the widespread poverty and severe

underdevelopment facing many societies.

For an economy to overcome poverty and

underdevelopment it must today participate in the global

economy, which has become a driving force in the world.

The 1997 World Economic and Social Survey suggests

that all developing countries and countries with

economies in transition need to raise per capita income by

at least 3 per cent annually. To achieve that, however, the

Survey contends, and the Secretary-General agrees, the

less affluent countries, in particular, require a more

conducive external economic environment than now exists

for them.

The elements that until quite recently served to

define our world have dramatically and rapidly changed.

The predominant concerns of global atomic warfare and

the cold war and the destructive policies of colonialism

and apartheid have quickly given way to the challenges of

poverty, globalism and development. This has created an

unprecedented demand for the services of the United

Nations at a time when it is facing critical challenges in

a world of revolutionary change.

To remain relevant, the United Nations must carry

out fundamental structural adjustments or changes, which

can no longer be addressed through ad hoc, piecemeal

reforms. A coordinated, top-down, comprehensive reform

of the entire edifice is necessary to overhaul and

streamline the Secretariat; create a new organizational

culture and focus; consolidate functions; do away with

overlapping programmes and duplications; eliminate

financial waste; mobilize new resources for development;

and strengthen and enhance coordination of United

Nations operations at the field level. The savings derived

from such rationalizations, trimming of inefficiencies and

administrative costs could be directed to development for

economic and social activities. These, it seems, are

precisely the aims of the Secretary-General’s extensive

and far-reaching proposals, issued under the title

“Renewing the United Nations: A Programme for

Reform”. They are a serious and bold set of proposals

that deserve our utmost consideration. Djibouti fully

supports the proposals and endorses their implementation

as a package.

The General Assembly at this session has

demonstrated overwhelming support for the Secretary-

General’s reform proposals, particularly in their design as

an integrated package. They should be considered as such

by this plenary. It would be helpful to look at the

proposals as the United Nations equivalent of the World

Bank’s new Strategic Compact. Each initiative is intended

to take its respective organization into the next

millennium by bringing about a fundamental renewal of

the institution.

15

We know that every element of the Secretary-

General’s package may not generate agreement across the

board. Divergences of views are bound to occur and are to

be expected. Indeed, genuine fears, even scepticism, have

been voiced against a reform process that may translate

simply into a cost-cutting exercise, which ultimately may

mean less focus on underdevelopment, poverty and social

dislocations. These are valid concerns which I am sure the

Secretary-General is conscious of and must address. But for

the sake of the larger purpose at stake, let us refrain from

minuscule nit-picking. We need, rather, to adopt a

pragmatic and positive approach to the package. In this

way, we can spare ourselves from long and protracted, if

not interminable, discussions which, as we know from

experience, too often end in committee gridlock, a type of

paralysis by analysis.

Bowing to the realities of the Organization’s dire

financial predicament, the Secretary-General has

accordingly fashioned a credible reorganization that will

enhance efficiency and responsiveness and effectively

contribute to a strengthened Untied Nations, capable of

fulfilling its mission.

There appears to be a near universal consensus on the

need to reform the United Nations. Regrettably though,

much of the impetus is dictated by the Organization’s acute

financial situation. Were all Member States to honour their

treaty commitments to pay their assessment obligations in

full, on time and without condition, reform would focus

more on what the United Nations can and must do than on

what it cannot and is unable to do. An effective United

Nations cannot operate on subsistence, hand-to-mouth and

ever dwindling resources that perpetually keep it on the

brink of bankruptcy.

Ultimately, the financial solvency of the United

Nations is the responsibility of Member States. Sound

finances are the sine qua non of the effectiveness and

stability of the Organization. Without a continuous and

predictable flow of resources, the danger posed to the

independence, if not survival, of the United Nations is very

real.

The issue of Security Council reform need not be

linked to the reform proposal presented by the Secretary-

General. The latter must run its own course and, acted upon

independently, culminate in a resolution for its adoption.

In step with the growth in membership of the

Organization, the Council must be enlarged to reflect the

pressing need for equitable representation. In view of the

considerable debate this issue has generated over the

years, we believe that the time has come for a change in

the Security Council, particularly with the admission of

new permanent members from all the regions of the world

and from the industrialized countries, wielding the same

powers as the existing ones. As we all know, a cardinal

tenet of the thesis of good governance is that all members

of a body politic have a fair and equal role in decisions

which affect them. Djibouti fully endorses the position of

the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the Non-

Aligned Movement regarding the expansion, composition

and working methods of the Council.

Except as a metaphor for international peacekeeping

failure, Somalia has exited the international radar screen

of concern. This is regrettable, for there have been

persistent regional and international efforts to initiate

dialogue among the parties. True, much of Somalia

continues to exist in a cycle of misery and political

impasse, lacking a central authority, internal security and

national cohesion. The spread of conventional weapons

has engendered insecurity and political uncertainty — a

looming threat even to the warlords and to the long-range

prospects for peace in the country and the region.

Perhaps, as is often the case, there may be foreign

elements that are developing profitable interests under the

present state of anarchy.

There is, however, a growing and encouraging

emergence of a movement to reconstitute some form of

national structure and to set aside differences. We cannot

ignore this glimmer of hope, however elusive. With one

or two notable exceptions, the factions seem to have

resolved to hold a conference this November in Somalia,

in the town of Bossaso. The aim is to establish an interim

authority whose main task will be to prepare the

groundwork for drafting a constitution, holding elections

and the emergence, hopefully, of a national Government.

This subregional effort, spearheaded by Ethiopia, not only

enjoys the wide support of many Governments and

organizations, but is perhaps the most promising initiative

at the moment.

The interminable stalling of progress towards

reconciliation, the stifling stalemate, must come to an end.

The time has come to say to our Somali sisters and

brothers, “Enough is enough!” Enough misery, mayhem,

bloodshed and destruction. Enough of the senseless

indifference to and reckless disregard for life, property

and nationhood. Enough of the grim prospects of an

uncertain future for a whole generation of Somalis.

Enough of assigning Somalia to the footnotes of history.

16

In the final analysis, the creativity, vision and determination

of the Somali people shall prevail. For all its anarchy and

destruction, Somalia can benefit from the example of

Liberia, which, like Somalia, was a country written off, a

country in name only, just a few months ago. There as

well, conflict between warlords and factions succeeded only

in bringing the country to its knees. Now, through

concerted dialogue and determination, and constant

prodding by the Economic Community of West African

States (ECOWAS) and the United Nations, elections have

been held and stability and peace reestablished, and there

is a legitimate Government which enjoys international

recognition. The same could be true for Somalia.

The countries of the region, the United Nations,

nations with a historic relationship with Somalia and the

international community at large must support, morally as

well as materially, the ongoing efforts to bring about

dialogue, reconciliation, lasting peace and harmony in

Somalia. As in Liberia, that may be the gist of the message

Somalia is sending the international community at this

critical juncture. We must respond, and respond united,

with one voice.

By virtue of the close proximity and the many

common factors that bind us together, Djibouti has a special

interest in the destiny and well-being of the Somali people.

That is why, as far back as 1991, at the advent of the

conflict, we took the lead in bringing the contending parties

together in two successive and substantive reconciliation

conferences in Djibouti. Since then we have remained

seized of the situation there. It is well known that Djibouti

has received a staggering flow of refugees from Somalia,

which, in relation to our size and resources, has been

overwhelming. This mammoth humanitarian undertaking on

our part is indeed beyond our capacity to sustain

indefinitely. We appeal to the international community to

continue to be supportive of our sacrifices by contributing

substantially towards the mitigation of this burden.

The Horn of Africa region is passing through a period

of relative stability and rejuvenation. The aftermaths of

previous conflicts are still visible, of course, in the extent

of physical, institutional and human destruction.

Reconstruction will require genuine regional cooperation.

Our peoples, our land, our waters and coastlines and our

economies are too interdependent to survive in isolation.

That is the spirit which must prevail.

We have an important regional institution in the

Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD),

which serves as a regional focus for development

cooperation and conflict resolution. Its capability and

resources deserve the continued support of the

international community.

Djibouti continues its economic transformation,

institutional reform and demobilization process. For each

of these we continue to require generous international

assistance, and towards this end wish to express our

appreciation for the commitments pledged during the

round-table conference held in May this year under the

umbrella of the United Nations Development Programme

and the Bretton Woods institutions.

The legacy of past instability, widespread conflict

and State collapse in the Horn of Africa have had many

disruptive consequences for Djibouti. No doubt we

suffered in tandem with our neighbours. But we are

confident our efforts to deal with these difficulties will be

supported by the international community.

The Mid-Term Review of the Implementation of the

United Nations New Agenda for the Development of

Africa in the 1990s and the United Nations Conference on

Trade and Development Least Developed Countries 1997

report indicate that the ominous slide suffered by many

least developed countries during the 1980s was reversed

in 1995, and improvements continued into 1996. Despite

declines in commodity prices and terms of trade, a

number of least developed countries have enjoyed positive

growth rates, indicating the beneficial effects of ongoing

structural adjustment efforts. These encouraging signs

complemented efforts towards democratization, good

governance and regional economic cooperation.

Nowadays it is commonly accepted that as more

peoples and countries participate in the global economy,

production and wealth increase for everyone. It is equally

true, however, that in this era of rapid globalization many

developing countries with small markets, poor

infrastructures, unskilled manpower and high levels of

external debt are excluded from the benefits of

globalization and are unable to cope with the challenges.

Most of the least developed countries — and 33 of the

world’s 48 are in Africa — face the risk of further

marginalization despite determined efforts towards

reforms which must merit greater international support.

Coupled with this is the falling of official

development assistance, which Norway’s Minister for

Development Cooperation described as unacceptable,

since the poorest countries need to finance basic social

17

services and infrastructure as well as capacity-building and

competence.

The least developed countries, particularly those in

Africa, tread a fine line between sustainable progress and

decline. They are expected to carry out extensive reforms

while concurrently addressing the social needs brought

about by widespread poverty, environmental degradation

and urban explosions. Africa also continues to attract

negligible foreign direct investment flows, which are largely

concentrated in a few countries.

The internal conflicts raging in a number of African

countries seriously further undermine an already fragile

regional stability. African leaders and organizations such as

the Organization of African Unity, the Economic

Community of West African States, IGAD and the Southern

African Development Community (SADC), together with

the international community, are engaged in active and

relentless efforts to bring about cessation of hostilities,

reconciliations and the re-establishment of law and order.

On the positive side, we congratulate Liberia for

having finally overcome the prolonged and sustained

bloodshed and self-destruction. We deplore however,

growing signs of a resurgence of hostilities in Angola, and

we condemn the overthrow of Sierra Leone’s constitutional

and legitimate Government. We hope the efforts of the

countries of the region through ECOWAS will be crowned

with success.

Likewise, we applaud the tenacity of President Omar

Bongo of Gabon and Ambassador Mohamed Sahnoun, the

United Nations/Organization of African Unity Special

Representative, in the effort to secure a durable ceasefire in

Brazzaville and to find a political solution in the face of

open and undisguised challenges to the authority of the

elected President.

Similar challenges have either succeeded or stalemated

in Burundi, the Central African Republic and, now,

Comoros. We hope reason will eventually prevail in all

these situations so that the people are spared further strife

and uncertainty.

In this context, I welcome the timely initiative by

Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, to convene a special

ministerial meeting of the United Nations Security Council

on Africa, which took place on 25 September 1997. We

believe such bold initiatives will help mitigate the ominous

tendencies of increasing insularity and inward focus of

many developed countries, where events in far-off places

no longer seem so relevant to core interests within them.

We welcome Secretary of State Albright’s injection

of new momentum into the peace process between Israel

and the Palestinians. Unilateral decisions by Israel must

stop, and Israel must also refrain from actions which

continuously disrupt and divert the direction of the talks.

Contrary to what Israel wants us to believe, the peace

process has not been faltering on account of the suicide

bombings alone — which, unfortunately, took many

lives — but because of Israel’s refusal to implement

terms of the Interim Agreement.

No one, of course, condones the bombings, with

their gruesome human toll. They are acts which must be

condemned and only underscore the urgency of resuming

the peace process with a genuine determination. The

punishment meted out on Palestinian territories has only

further aggravated an explosive situation. Predictably, the

economic effects have been devastating. Ironically, Oslo

had convinced a majority of Palestinians that it might be

possible to coexist with Israel in peace under an

independent Palestinian State controlling its own destiny.

Yet now they are little more than security hostages under

relentless coercion and pressures.

The basic situation in Palestine has not changed.

Israel needs security and peace; Palestinians need land, as

well as peace and security. Neither can unilaterally dictate

terms to the other side. Escalating punishment will not

bring security. Israel needs to demonstrate its seriousness

and its willingness to move towards secure peace in the

Middle East and towards credible negotiations and lasting

settlement on the basis of resolutions 242 (1967), 338

(1973), and 425 (1978), exchanging land for peace.

For the overwhelming majority of humanity the

disillusioning regression in the peace process has caused

deep anguish. It would be a pity if the yearning for peace,

security, justice and resolution continues to be eschewed

and misdirected. We are quite hopeful Secretary Albright

will persevere to keep the process on track.

Once again we implore Iran and the United Arab

Emirates to commence serious negotiations to peacefully

resolve the dispute regarding the three islands occupied

by Iran.

The recently concluded Oslo Diplomatic Conference

seeking a worldwide ban on the production, distribution,

stockpiling and use of landmines was clearly a watershed

18

event. We welcome this landmark achievement, which now

provides us with a vehicle to stop the slaughter of so many

thousands of human beings each year by the 110 million

devices already in place all over the world.

To prevent our global village from becoming an armed

camp, the landmine Convention, to be signed in Ottawa this

December, is perhaps as critical as the Comprehensive

Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty, the Treaty on the Non-

Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and the Chemical

Weapons Convention. Landmines are surely as dangerous

as terrorism, drug trafficking and international mobs.