Brazil, 1993

It is with great pleasure

that I congratulate you, Sir, and the Republic of Guyana, on

your election as President of the General Assembly at its

forty-eighth session. In so doing, I wish to reaffirm the

traditional ties of friendship between Brazil and Guyana. I

am certain that you will contribute to making this session of

the General Assembly a landmark in the path towards

progress and democracy among nations.

I would also like to express to Mr. Stoyan Ganev,

respected jurist from the Republic of Bulgaria and President

of the General Assembly at its forty-seventh session, our

recognition for the work he accomplished.

The strong and innovative leadership provided by

Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali will continue to be

a factor in furthering the work of our Organization.

At the opening of the debate at this forty-eighth session

of the General Assembly, we are, once again, being swept

by the winds of change. A fresh breeze, bringing us the

message that understanding and peace may finally prevail

over selfish interest, is blowing from the Near East, cradle

of some of the most valuable moral lessons on which our

planetary civilization is built.

Man’s adventure on Earth, driven by reason and by

dreams, has unfolded within the tension between self-interest

and solidarity. In the dialectic interaction between solidarity

and self-interest which has shaped and continues to shape

the destinies of mankind, solidarity has just attained a great

victory, allowing us greater optimism about the future and

about the possibility of the materialization of the perpetual

peace of which Immanuel Kant spoke. Indeed, following the

high hopes ushered in by the end of the cold war, we were

forced to postpone any exclamations of joy as we witnessed

the much-heralded new order transform itself into growing

disorder, marked by the re-emergence of conflicts rooted in

particularisms, which were supposed to be among the closed

chapters of history.

We have noticed that the inherent preoccupations of the

cold war have shifted from an East-West axis to a North-

South orientation. New concepts have been used to justify

discriminatory acts with repercussions for the countries of

the South. Some of these concepts were presented under the

cloak of humanitarian or moral values, such as the so-called

"right of intervention" and "good governance"; others are

renewed versions of old practices, such as eco-protectionism.

At the same time, the countries of the North tightened their

controls on the entry of dispossessed people from the South,

many of whom came from former colonies. Thus, peace of

mind was to be preserved along with the exclusive privileges

of post-industrial society. At the same time, just when they

were enjoying new heights of freedom, some of the peoples

formerly subjected to authoritarian rule were carried away in

nationalistic exaltation, the consequences of which continue

to parade before spectators who are as shocked as they are

powerless.

It was as "glad tidings", in an almost Biblical sense,

that the world welcomed the news that peace and

understanding were possible in a region marked up to now

by pain and conflict. The handshake between Mr. Yitzhak

Rabin and Mr. Yasser Arafat is emblematic of the close of

this century, a symbol indicating that history is not over, as

some have suggested, but rather that it is just beginning,

after a long, dark and turbulent pre-history, in which the

mark of Cain has always prevailed over the profound desire

for lasting peace felt by all peoples.

In this same spirit, I reiterate the solidarity of Brazil

with the Russian people, who continue to face the challenges

of the process of democratic transition, which we are

confident will succeed in their country.

It is therefore with renewed faith in the ability of

mankind to find solutions to the problems it continuously

creates for itself that we begin our work at this forty-eighth

session of the General Assembly.

Exactly thirty years ago, another Minister of External

Relations of Brazil, a career diplomat like myself,

Ambassador João Augusto de Araujo Castro, pointed out that

the task of the United Nations could be summed up in what

he called the "3 D’s": Disarmament, Development,

Decolonization. Today, with the virtual elimination of the

last remnants of colonialism, I could paraphrase him by

stating that the international agenda is once again structured

around three "D’s": Democracy, Development, Disarmament,

with their ramifications in the areas of human rights, the

environment and international security.

The changes we have witnessed have not been limited

to the international sphere. Ethical advancements have also

been made in the domestic sphere of countries, where ethics

have prevailed over the petty interplay of interests which

usually makes up day-to-day politics and which leads so

many young people to disbelief and to turn away from the

ideal of citizenship, without which man cannot fully realize

his calling as a social being. I believe that I can proudly

assert that my country, Brazil, despite the inherent problems

of underdevelopment, has placed itself at the forefront of this

"ethicalization" of political relations, which goes far beyond

the almost bureaucratic concept of "good governance".

We can still hear the echoes - and the world’s most

important opinion makers did not fail to register them - of

the resounding popular campaign which, in perfect harmony

with the legislative and judiciary branches of the Brazilian

Government, led to the impeachment of a president.

Through an exclusively internal process, which emerged and

developed within the Brazilian people and their legitimate

representatives, a rarely seen lesson in citizenship was given,

by the use of a legal instrument which, though present in

other countries, had never been implemented to its ultimate

consequences as it was in Brazil. In this process the

Brazilian people counted on the support of a press which,

with courage and boldness, put to good use the freedom it

was once again enjoying after two decades of authoritarian

rule.

It is with justifiable pride that I am able to state, before

this world assembly, that Brazil has etched a mark - and not

a minor one - in the evolution of political institutions. I am

certain that the peaceful and strictly legal and constitutional

manner in which this transition took place in Brazil will be

a necessary reference in books that may come to be written

about the history of democracy in our time. I would like to

stress that the process which led to this feat - and a feat

indeed it was - was set in motion and ran its course neither

as the product of any form of external pressure, nor in

response to any action inspired by standards of governance

imposed from outside, but solely and exclusively as the

result of the deepest sense of citizenship shared by

Brazilians of every social class.

Since taking office, President Itamar Franco has

imposed upon himself and upon the Government he leads

absolute respect for the Constitution and for the laws of the

Forty-eighth session - 27 September l993 3

country and, above all, for the unchanging principles of law

and ethics. Among the constitutional rights of the human

being and of the citizen are those laid down in the Universal

Declaration of Human Rights, which our Constitution

incorporates and expands upon. Ensuring respect for those

rights - in protecting indigenous populations, in safeguarding

children and families, in guaranteeing political freedom and

access to justice - has been the determined policy of the

current Government, and is the challenge we face after a

long period in which economic growth and social

development did not tread convergent paths.

Within an atmosphere of freedom in which the project

of building an open democratic and pluralistic society is

moving forward, we are seeking to solve our macroeconomic

problems while steering clear of the authoritarian temptation

of recourse to technocratic formulas based on closed

decision-making structures. Although it may seem, on

occasion, more efficient, technocracy tends too frequently to

impose excessive sacrifices on the poorest and most

vulnerable sectors of the population. The road we are following -

that the Government of President Itamar Franco is following

- is another, perhaps more complex and arduous one, but

certainly one that is more democratic and more capable of

leading to consensual and sustainable results.

The Brazilian Government and society are both aware

that the difficult issues we are confronted with in the area of

human rights are deeply intertwined with the social

imbalances inherited from decades of insensitivity rooted in

authoritarian rule. Democracy, human rights and

development make up another indissoluble triad. None of

those terms can be brought to complete fruition in the

absence of the other two; that is why the Brazilian

Government attaches such importance to the resumption of

growth and the expansion of employment along with a fairer

distribution of income, the only solid and sustainable basis

with which to ensure social development and the full

realization of human rights. That is also the reason for the

importance attached to programmes, such as the programme

to combat hunger, which have emerged in our society and

which can count on the full and resolute support of the

Government.

We know only too well, however, that problems in the

area of human rights - to which recent incidents that shocked

Brazilian society and the world bear witness - cannot wait

for development to be consolidated and for welfare to reach

all of society. At the same time as we seek to solve them

radically - that is, by attacking their social and economic roots -

we must also attend to the more immediate aspects. To this

end, the Government is determined to act, at different levels,

under the inspiration and the guidance of the President, who

is personally committed to this task.

Transparency in the decisions and actions of the

Government constitutes an important aspect of Brazilian

politics. Such transparency manifests itself in, among other

actions, the fluid and cooperative dialogue maintained with

segments and organizations of society dedicated to the

struggle for the observance of human rights in the country.

This open and constructive spirit is not restricted, by the

way, within our own borders: we seek and maintain

cooperation on issues related to human rights with other

countries, intergovernmental and non-governmental

organizations, with which we are devising new methods of

action for safeguarding the rule of law and in favour of the

adequate protection of human rights on the basis of mutual

respect.

We do not disregard the fact that impunity may turn out

to be the Achilles’ heel of any policy aimed at the full

implementation of human rights and the elimination of

violence. For this reason, the President has personally

determined measures - whose implementation he has been

following - for every case in which the human rights of

children, of indigenous populations, of women or of any

citizen have been violated. ln this endeavour, he has the

support of Brazilian society, which will not tolerate impunity

as it did not tolerate corruption and the breach of ethical

standards in politics.

With specific reference to indigenous populations, we

are currently proceeding with the necessary strengthening of

the Government’s presence in the Amazon region in order to

protect simultaneously the population and the environment,

both of which are frequently exposed to predatory activities;

these result from an encounter of civilizations that began

five centuries ago and extends up to today.

Here again, the dialectics of solidarity and self-interest

are at work; the increased effectiveness of actions

undertaken by the Brazilian Government in the Amazon

region, in conformity with the full and irrevocable exercise

of our sovereignty, is fundamental if we are to ensure the

protection and defence of all the region’s inhabitants and, in

particular, those of the Brazilian indigenous protected areas,

which amount to the impressive total of over 800,000 square

kilometres.

The special importance we attach to human rights in the

domestic sphere is also reflected in our diplomatic action, as

was evidenced at the World Conference held in Vienna last

June. The nomination of Brazil to chair the drafting

committee of the Conference was both an honour and a

challenge; we offered our collaboration with satisfaction with

a view to the Vienna consensus being expressed at the

highest and most democratic level. The Vienna Declaration

and Programme of Action constitute a significant advance in

the promotion and protection of human rights, including by

refining concepts now unquestionably acknowledged as

universal. By reaffirming the interdependence of all human

rights, all of which require equal protection, the Declaration

recognizes that individual rights become little more than

legal fiction if the bearers of such rights and the States

which must guarantee them lack the material resources with

which to ensure them.

The promotion and the defence of the democratic

regime inside each country are not sufficient: a vigorous

effort of democratization of international relations is

essential, in conformity with two notable phenomena of

current times: the wide consensus on the advantages of

representative democracy and the growing linkage between

the domestic and the international spheres. This twofold

perception leads us of necessity to the recognition that the

democratic ideal is applicable with equal validity to relations

between nations.

We note with satisfaction the establishment of a virtual

consensus on the need to update the composition of the

Security Council. It is our understanding that the growing

role of the Council in matters which affect the fundamental

interests of Member States corresponds to the need to ensure

a more representative composition, and so enhance the

Council’s legitimacy and its efficiency. The reform of the

Council must be achieved in such a way as not to aggravate

further the imbalance between developed and developing

countries in the decision-making process of the United

Nations. The General Assembly, as the definitive

democratic organ within the United Nations system, must

play a decisive role in shaping that process.

The democratization of relations between nations

demands that the international order protect them and

guarantee their rights against illicit acts and abuses of power.

There can be no democratic society if the rule of law is not

strictly observed and if the less powerful are not sheltered

from arbitrary acts by those who wield force and power. In

today’s world, it is no longer admissible to say, in the words

of Pascal’s well-known aphorism, that "as it was not

possible to make the righteous mighty, the mighty were

made righteous".

The material progress of peoples is to a large extent the

product of their own, irreplaceable efforts. It is beyond

doubt, however, that such progress is contingent upon the

prevalence of a favourable external environment. It is

therefore imperative that international society, acting in

solidarity, encourage the creation of conditions for progress,

not for the preservation of privilege.

Apart from its intrinsic importance, the development of

all nations is the only factor that can genuinely reduce the

imbalances that are so patently expressed, for instance, in the

growing flow of migrants and refugees. In a global society,

social justice becomes an indispensable condition for

preventing crises, for alleviating tension, for consolidating

democracy and for promoting human rights.

If we are to undertake a wide-ranging exercise of

preventive diplomacy we must realize that only socially and

environmentally sustainable economic development provides

an effective means to accomplish our goals.

In the pursuit of development the United Nations has a

fundamental role to play. We must make sure that the

Organization will act urgently to impart renewed life to its

commitment to development and, therefore, also its

capacities in the economic and social field. Imbued with

this hope, Brazil has supported and continues to support

vigorously the initiative of an agenda for development. We

are confident that the Secretary-General will present us with

a proposal that will be no less innovative, bold and rich in

ideas than was "An Agenda for Peace".

Similarly, great store is set by the work of the

Commission on Sustainable Development. Brazil expects

the Commission to be an effective tool for putting into effect

the commitments undertaken in Rio de Janeiro in 1992.

In the same vein we give our wholehearted support to

the holding of the World Summit for Social Development,

a most timely initiative of the Government of Chile, a

country to which we are linked by close ties of South

American brotherhood and partnership in the Rio Group.

We should not however be misguided by illusions.

Only a dynamic insertion in the cross-currents of trade and

technology will allow developing countries to reap their fair

share of the fruits of progress. To that end we advocate a

strengthened multilateral trading system that can guarantee

both an adequate reward for our effort at trade liberalization

and a normative framework to discourage protectionism and

unilateral measures. Today that entails the need for a

prompt and balanced conclusion of the Uruguay Round,

without discrimination or impositions. The significance of

the Uruguay Round projects far beyond its strictly

commercial aspects. Its successful outcome will be

instrumental in framing an international order that is open

and propitious for cooperation, thus preventing a splintering

of economic relations into self-contained blocs.

The vigorous involvement of the community of nations

in the pursuit of development must be consonant with the

principle of State sovereignty. Brazil views the sovereign

nation-State as the basis for the legal and political

international order. It must not be weakened lest we

undermine the very basis of international representation and

of the multilateral system. Attempts to play down the

principle of national sovereignty - which incidentally are

hardly ever targeted at the more powerful States - would be

a step backwards in the effort towards more democratic

international relations. At a moment when we are building

the future multilateral system we should not allow

differences in power among nations to replace the sovereign

equality of States. The warning sounded by Ruy Barbosa,

the distinguished Brazilian jurist and statesman, at the

Second Peace Conference of the Hague in 1907, remains

fully valid. In discussing the composition of the Permanent

Court of Arbitration he stressed that if certain proposals

were to prevail, then:

"The great Powers would no longer be more formidable

only as a result of the strength of their armies or of

their fleets. They would also enjoy a superior legal

status in the international judicial forum, thus claiming

a privileged situation in the very institution to which

the administration of justice among nations is to be

entrusted."

The international order we seek to build rests also on

a third pillar, that of disarmament. Brazil, along with its

neighbours and partners in Latin America, particularly

Argentina, has been making an important contribution to

advancing disarmament and international security.

The revision of the Treaty of Tlatelolco, the

establishment and work of the Brazil-Argentina Agency for

Accounting and Control of Nuclear Material (ABACC) and

the Quadripartite Agreement on International Atomic Energy

Agency (IAEA) Safeguards, which have just been approved

by the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies, thus meeting an

important requirement for ratification, provide the

international community with the guarantees of our

commitment to the peaceful use of nuclear energy.

We reaffirm our support for the non-proliferation, in all

its forms, of weapons of mass destruction. In relation to

chemical weapons, we, with Chile and Argentina, have

already signed the Mendoza Declaration in which we

solemnly renounced the possession and production of such

weapons. We were equally active participants in the process

that led to the adoption of the Convention on the Prohibition

of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of

Chemical Weapons and on Their Destruction, signed in Paris

early this year.

We are gratified by the current observance, although on

a somewhat fragile basis, of a moratorium on nuclear tests.

We hope that the climate resulting from this moratorium will

bring forth the early conclusion, through multilateral

negotiations, of a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty.

Brazil, as is well known, has been participating in a

clearly positive and transparent way in the process of

establishing the United Nations Register of Conventional

Arms.

Brazil’s experience in the field of peace-building and

confidence-building is noteworthy. Brazil shares almost

17,000 kilometres of land borders with 10 different

neighbouring countries. No other nation has had

uninterrupted relations of peace and cooperation for so long

and with so many neighbouring States. Very few countries

spend as little on arms - as a percentage of national product -

as Brazil.

At the same time Brazil does not renounce its right to

maintain, in good harmony with its neighbours and partners,

an adequate and legitimate defence capacity. Nor does it

renounce its right to have access to technology necessary for

the well-being of the Brazilian people.

By undertaking firm and unambiguous commitments in

the field of non-proliferation and disarmament, Brazil

believes it is entitled to expect from its more developed

partners unimpeded access to high technology, if necessary

on a commercial basis.

Recent history gives proof that, despite persistent and

serious shortcomings, United Nations peace-keeping

operations are important for overcoming situations of

conflict, some of which are quite old, complex and delicate.

The need for an improved conceptual framework for peace-

keeping operations must be kept under constant review by

the General Assembly. It is expected that the United

Nations will contribute with sober effectiveness to

maintaining peace and security wherever they may be

threatened. Brazil currently participates with a significant

contingent of military observers in United Nations peace-

keeping efforts. We intend to expand our presence in this

field and we are actively examining ways and means to do

this.

Within that context it is essential to rectify the serious

political and strategic mistake of envisaging the South as an

area of international instability. Quite the contrary, various

regions such as Latin America provide examples of stable

relations of cooperation based on mutual trust, as illustrated

by the vigorous processes of Latin American integration

which, far beyond their mercantile aspects, are the material

expression of a political project aimed at international

cooperation and solidarity. Such processes, including that of

the Common Market of the South (MERCOSUR), are in

stark contrast with the trends of fragmentation seen in other

parts of the world.

Yet another clear demonstration of the potential for

cooperation is taking shape in the Community of Portuguese-

Speaking Countries. Far more than a means of expression,

"lusiphonia" is the hallmark of a frame of mind, a form of

being, a way of life predicated on tolerance and open

relations among different peoples.

The Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the South

Atlantic reinforces our links to sister nations in Africa. The

enhancement of political and economic relations within the

Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic is a

goal towards which we are determined to work, having

regard, among other issues, to the constitution of a vast area

free of the nuclear threat. We furthermore expect to have

the pleasure of celebrating the full admission to the South

Atlantic community of a democratic and united South Africa,

free forever from the scourge of racism.

The historic speech delivered by Mr. Nelson Mandela

just a few days ago from this same rostrum warrants the

expectation and confirms the idea that in spite of remaining

obstacles the process of democratization in South Africa is

now irreversible.

We are forced to admit that serious areas of tension

continue to exist in the world. By virtue of our historical

ties of friendship, cooperation and cultural kinship with

Angola, the situation in that country is of particular concern

to us. The international community, through the United

Nations, has a fundamental role to play in the defence of

democracy in Angola and in the utter rejection of the use of

force as a means of achieving political gains. Peace must

prevail in Angola in full compliance with the Bicesse

Accords and all the relevant resolutions of the Security

Council.

We remain gravely concerned about the situation of

human rights and democracy in Haiti. The prospect for a

prompt solution to the crisis in that country is high on our

agenda. We look forward to the return of President Jean-

Bertrand Aristide on 30 October.

The restoration of peace in the former Yugoslavia is a

priority for the international community in order to bring to

an end the suffering of the populations involved in that

conflict. A willingness to achieve agreements acceptable to

all parties must prevail in Geneva, as in the capitals of the

former federation. That willingness alone can enable the

United Nations to play its irreplaceable role in bringing

peace to that region.

Our example, and our response to these challenges, will

frame the future order to which we all aspire: an order that

is democratic, stable, disarmed and committed to the

material and spiritual development of all nations.

The humanistic vision that inspires us was forcefully

expressed by a Brazilian poet and diplomat,

João Cabral de Melo Neto, in these words:

"Learn this: that man is the best measure always,

And more: that life, not death, is the measure of man."