Brazil, 2012

Once again, a woman’s

voice is opening the general debate of the General

Assembly. For many, we women are “half the sky”.

However, we wish to be half the Earth as well, with

equal rights and opportunities, free from all forms of

discrimination and violence, capable of building our

own emancipation and, with it, of contributing to the

full empowerment of all.

A year after my statement at this same rostrum

(see A/66/PV.11), I note that many of the problems that

already troubled us in September 2011 remain. Today,

I want to again consider a few of those issues, whose

solutions are becoming increasingly urgent.

The grave economic crisis that began in 2008

has taken on new and worrisome aspects. Opting for

orthodox fiscal policies has been exacerbating the

recession in developed economies, with repercussions

for us as emerging countries, including Brazil. The

main leaders of the developed world have not yet found

the path that combines appropriate fiscal adjustment

with measures to stimulate investment and demand,

which are indispensable to halt the recession and ensure

economic growth.

Monetary policies cannot be the only response to

the growing unemployment, the increase in poverty and

the dismay that affects the most vulnerable sectors of

the population throughout the world. The central banks

of developed countries continue to pursue expansionist

monetary policies, which causes an imbalance in

exchange rates. The resulting artificial appreciation

of emerging countries’ currencies causes them to lose

market space, which further exacerbates the global

recession.

We cannot accept the legitimate trade protection

initiatives of developing countries being unfairly

classified as protectionism. We must remember that

legitimate trade protection measures are in accordance

with the rules of the World Trade Organization. We

should fight protectionism and all forms of trade

manipulation, since they create greater competitiveness

in a spurious and fraudulent way.

There can be no effective response to the crisis

without strengthening cooperation efforts among

countries and multilateral bodies, such as the Group

of Twenty, the International Monetary Fund and the

World Bank. Such cooperation must seek to reshape

the relationship between fiscal and monetary policies

in order to prevent the recession from worsening, to

control the currency war and to again stimulate global

demand.

We know from our own experience that the national

debt of States and bank and financial debts will not be

addressed in the context of a recession. On the contrary,

recession only exacerbates such problems. It is urgent

that we establish a comprehensive agreement for the

coordinated resumption of global economic growth in

order to prevent the despair caused by unemployment

and a lack of opportunities.

My country has been doing its part. In recent

years, we have pursued prudent economic policies,

accumulated significant foreign exchange reserves,

strongly reduced public debt and, with innovative social

policies, lifted 40 million Brazilians out of poverty,

thereby strengthening a large domestic market.

Like all countries, we were affected by the crisis.

However, despite the temporary slowing in our growth

rate, we have managed to maintain extremely high

employment levels and to continue to reduce social

inequality while significantly increasing workers’

income levels. We have overcome the incorrect view

according to which measures to stimulate growth

are incompatible with austerity plans. That is a false

dilemma. Fiscal responsibility is as necessary as

growth measures are indispensable, because fiscal

consolidation can be sustainable only in a context of

economic recovery.

History reveals that austerity, when exaggerated

and isolated from growth, is self-defeating. Brazil has chosen to face both of those challenges simultaneously.

While exerting strict control over public spending, we

have increased our investments in infrastructure and

education. While controlling inflation, we have acted

vigorously through policies aimed at social inclusion

and poverty eradication. Furthermore, while carrying

out structural reforms in the financial and welfare areas,

we have reduced the tax burden and the cost of energy,

and we have invested in infrastructure and knowledge

to generate science, technology and innovation.

There are moments in which we cannot choose

between one alternative or the other. Both must be

developed separately at the same time.

Just as in 2011, the Middle East and North Africa

continue to be at the center of the attention of the

international community. Important social movements,

with different political orientations, have swept

away despotic regimes and brought about transition

processes whose meaning and direction still cannot be

clearly discerned. However, it is not difficult to identify

in almost all those movements a cry of protest against

poverty, unemployment and the lack of opportunities

and civil rights imposed by authoritarian governments

on large sectors of those societies, especially young

people. Nor is it difficult to find in those events the

traces of historical grievances caused by decades of

colonial or neocolonial policies carried out in the name

of a supposedly civilizing agenda. Little by little, the

economic interests behind those policies became clear.

Today, we are witnessing with consternation

the unfolding of the dire situation in Syria. Brazil

condemns in the strongest terms the violence that

continues to claim lives in that country. Syria is

witnessing a large-scale humanitarian tragedy on its

territory and in that of its neighbors. The Government

in Damascus bears the largest share of responsibility

for the cycle of violence that has victimized a large

number of civilians, especially women, children and

young people. However, we are also aware of the

responsibilities of armed opposition groups, especially

those that increasingly rely on foreign military and

logistical support.

As President of a country that is home to millions

of people of Syrian descent, I call on the parties to

the conflict to lay down their weapons and join the

mediation efforts being undertaken by the joint United

Nations-Arab League special envoy. There is no

military solution to the Syrian crisis. Diplomacy and dialogue are not simply our best option; they are the

only option.

As President of a country where thousands and

thousands of Brazilian Muslims live, I declare here

today our vehement repudiation of the escalation

of Islamophobic prejudice in Western countries.

Brazil is one of the players in the generous Alliance

of Civilizations initiative originally launched by the

Turkish Government.

With the same vehemence, we repudiate the

terrorist acts that took the lives of American diplomats

in Libya.

With our eyes still set upon the Middle East, where

some of the most important challenges to international

peace and security lie, I wish to once more touch upon

the Israeli-Palestinian question. I reiterate my words

of 2011, when I expressed the Brazilian Government’s

support for the recognition of the Palestinian State as a

full Member of the United Nations. I added then, and

I repeat today, that only a free and sovereign Palestine

will be able to fulfil Israel’s legitimate desires for peace

with its neighbours, security in its borders and regional

political stability.

The international community has encountered

growing difficulty in dealing with the exacerbation of

regional conflicts. That is clear from the stalemates

within the Security Council. It is one of the gravest

problems that we face. The crisis that began in 2008

demonstrated the need for reform of the mechanisms

of global economic governance. In point of fact, to this

day we have still not fully implemented such reforms.

Increasingly intense regional wars and conflicts, the

tragic loss of human lives and the immense material

losses for the peoples involved all demonstrate the

utmost urgency of undertaking the institutional reform

of the United Nations, in particular of its Security

Council.

We cannot allow the Council to be replaced, as has

been the case, by coalitions that are formed without its

consent, beyond its control and without due regard for

international law. The use of force without authorization

by the Council is clearly illegal, yet it is beginning to

be regarded in some quarters as an acceptable option. It

is by no means acceptable. The ease with which some

resort to that kind of action results from the stalemates

that paralyse the Council. Because of that, the Council

must urgently be reformed.

Brazil will always fight to ensure that decisions

emanating from the United Nations prevail. But we want

legitimate actions, founded on international legality. In

this spirit, I have defended the need for “responsibility

while protecting” as a necessary complement to the

responsibility to protect.

Multilateralism is stronger today after the

United Nations Conference on Sustainable

Development — Rio+20. Together, during those days

in June, we held the largest and most participative

conference in the history of the United Nations.

We were able to take firm steps towards the historic

consolidation of a new paradigm: to grow, to include,

to protect and to preserve — that is, sustainable

development. I thank Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon

and Ambassador Sha Zukang for their efforts and their

close collaboration with Brazil, before and throughout

the Conference.

The outcome document that we approved by

consensus in Rio (resolution 66/288, annex) not only

preserves the legacy of 1992 but also sets the starting

point for a sustainable development agenda for the

twenty-first century, with a focus on the eradication

of poverty, on the conscientious use of natural

resources and on sustainable patterns of production and

consumption.

The United Nations has before it a number of tasks

mandated by the Rio Conference. In particular, I would

like to make reference to the definition of the sustainable

development goals. Rio+20 shone a powerful light on

the future we want. We have an obligation to heed

the many warnings being sounded by science and

society. We must consider climate change one of the

main challenges to present and future generations.

The Brazilian Government is firmly committed to the

targets for controlling greenhouse gas emissions and

to the unrelenting fight against deforestation in the

Amazon rainforest.

In 2009, we voluntarily took on commitments and

adopted them as laws. Those targets are particularly

ambitious for a developing country, which must deal

with pressing demands of all types in order to promote

the well-being of its population. We hope that those

countries that bear a greater historical responsibility

for climate change and that have greater means with

which to deal with it will fulfil their obligations to the

international community.

Another United Nations initiative we commend is

the Decade of Action for Road Safety 2011-2020. Brazil

is engaged in efforts to protect lives and reduce road

accidents, one of the main causes of death among young

people of the world. To that end, our Government

is developing a wide-ranging awareness-raising

campaign together with the Fédération Internationale

de l’Automobile.

In a context of environmental challenges, economic

crises and threats to peace in different parts of the

world, Brazil continues committed to working with

its neighbours to build an environment of democracy,

peace, prosperity and social justice. We have made

great progress in integrating the Latin American

and Caribbean region as a priority for international

cooperation.

Our region is a good example for the world. The

rule of law that we have achieved by overcoming

authoritarian regimes is being preserved and

strengthened. Democracy is not a heritage immune

to attacks. In order to avoid setbacks, the Southern

Common Market and the Union of South American

Nations have been firm when they had to be, because we

consider integration and democracy to be inseparable

principles. I also reaffirm our commitment to keeping

our region free from weapons of mass destruction. In

that regard, I wish to recall the existence of immense

arsenals that, in addition to threatening all humankind,

aggravate tensions and hamper efforts towards peace.

The world clamours for food instead of weapons, for the

billions of men, women and children who suffer from

the cruelest punishment inf licted on humanity: hunger.

Finally, I wish to refer to a brother country, beloved

by all Latin Americans and Caribbeans — Cuba. Cuba

has made great progress in bringing its economic

model up to date. To continue on its path, it needs the

support of partners both near and far. Cooperation on

Cuba’s progress is, however, hampered by the economic

embargo that has plagued its population for decades.

The time has long since passed for us to put an end to

that anachronism, which is condemned by the immense

majority of Members of the United Nations.

This year, we watched the Olympic and Paralympic

Games brilliantly organized by the United Kingdom.

With the closing of the London Olympic Games, Brazil

has begun the countdown towards the Rio de Janeiro

Olympic Games in 2016, which will be preceded by the

2014 World Cup. Every two years, during the Summer and Winter Games, humanity seems to reawaken to

values that should inspire us permanently: tolerance,

respect for differences, equality, inclusion, friendship

and understanding. Those principles are also the

foundation of human rights and of this Organization. At

the opening of the sixty-seventh session of the General

Assembly, I propose to all the nations represented here

that they let the ideals of the Olympic flame shine upon

them.

Strengthening the United Nations is necessary

at this stage when multipolarity opens a historic new

perspective. We must work towards that end. We must

work to ensure that in the multipolarity that is coming

to prevail, cooperation predominates over conflict,

dialogue overcomes threats and negotiated solutions are

reached before and forestall interventions involving the

use of force. I reiterate that in this necessarily collective

effort, which presupposes the quest for consensus, the

United Nations has a key role to play, particularly as

the Organization and its various bodies become more

representative and more legitimate and therefore more

effective.