Brazil, 2006

When I first

addressed the Assembly from this rostrum, in 2003, I

stressed the need for urgent and relentless action to

fight the scourge of hunger and poverty in the world.

This is what we are doing in Brazil: we have combined

economic stability with social inclusion policies; the

standard of living of Brazilians has improved;

employment and income have grown; the purchasing

power of the minimum wage has increased. Our

resources are scarce, but even so we have achieved

surprising results.

The family stipend at the core of our zero-hunger

programme assures a basic income to over 11 million

Brazilian families. Well-fed people can enhance their

dignity, their health and their learning capacity. Putting

resources into social programmes is not expenditure; it

is investment.

If we in Brazil have done so much with so little,

imagine what could have been done on a global scale if

the fight against hunger and poverty had been a real

priority for the international community. Where there is

hunger, there is no hope; there is only desolation and

pain. Hunger nurtures violence and fanaticism. A world

where people starve will never be safe.

The sheer size of the task will not daunt us,

especially if we are not alone. All here know that some

840 million human beings — nearly one out of seven

on the planet — do not have enough to eat.

An additional $50 billion each year are needed to

reach the Millennium Development Goals on time. The

international community can afford it. On the positive

side, think, just for instance, of the hundreds of billions

of dollars invested to move forward with the full

integration of Eastern European countries into the

European Union. Then, on the other hand, think of the

cost of wars and other conflicts. Everyone here is

aware that the second Gulf war has probably cost

hundreds of billions of dollars to date. With much less

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we could change the sad reality of a large portion of

the world’s population. We could alleviate the plight of

those people and lift them out of destitution. We could

save millions of lives.

However strong they are today, rich countries

should have no illusions: nobody is safe in a world of

injustice. War will never bring security; it can only

generate horrors, bitterness, intolerance and

fundamentalism and create damage associated with

hegemonism. The poor must be given reasons to live,

not to kill or die. Humanity’s greatness lies not in

bellicosity, but in humanism, and there can be no true

humanism without respect for the other.

There are, in fact, those who are different from

us, but who are no less dignified, no less precious and

no less entitled to the right to happiness, because we

are all creatures of the same creator.

There can be security only in a world where all

have the right to economic and social development.

The true path to peace is shared development. If we do

not want war to go global, justice must go global.

That is why, with the serene conviction of a man

who has dedicated his life to fighting peacefully for the

rights of working people, I say to the Assembly: the

search for a new, fairer and more democratic world

order is not only in the interests of poor or emerging

nations; it is also — and perhaps to an even greater

extent — in the interests of rich countries, so long as

they have eyes to see and ears to hear, so long as they

do not make the mistake of ignoring the haunting cry

of the excluded.

We have seen some progress in the past few

years. At the Summit of World Leaders in 2004, we

launched the Action against Hunger and Poverty

initiative. Together, we were able to achieve strong

international engagement around that issue. Our

collective efforts have begun to bear fruit. We are

establishing innovative mechanisms, such as a

solidarity levy on international air tickets.

Hunger and disease walk hand in hand.

Therefore, we have joined with other Governments in

establishing an International Drug Purchase Facility to

combat AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria. That initiative

will provide new sources of funding and facilitate

access to medication at lower costs. We cannot shirk

our responsibilities in this area.

That is why I salute the leaders of vision who are

engaged in this war: the war against the debasement of

human beings and against hopelessness. That is the

only war in which final victory will mean a triumph for

all of humanity.

The fight against hunger and poverty is based on

the creation of a world order that gives priority to

social and economic development. There will be

permanent solutions to destitution only when poorer

countries can make progress through their own efforts.

Once international trade is free and fair, it will be

a valuable tool for wealth creation, income distribution

and job creation. It is essential that we break the bonds

of protectionism. Subsidies granted by richer countries,

particularly in the area of agriculture, are oppressive

shackles that limit progress and doom poor countries to

backwardness. Time and again, I must repeat that,

while trade-distorting support in developed countries

amount to the outrageous sum of $1 billion a day, 900

million people get by on less than $1 a day in poor and

developing countries. That situation is politically and

morally untenable.

The only thing worse than inaction stemming

from ignorance is neglect born of accommodation. The

old geography of international trade must be

profoundly reshaped. Brazil, together with its partners

in the Group of Twenty (G-20), is engaged in that task.

The creation of the G-20 has changed the dynamics of

negotiations at the World Trade Organization (WTO):

until recently, developing countries played only

peripheral roles in the most important negotiations.

Eliminating the barriers that prevent poor

countries from developing is an ethical duty of the

international community. It is also the best way to

ensure prosperity and security for all.

Today, for the first time in the history of the

General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade/WTO system,

the word “development” appears in the title of a round

of trade negotiations. However, the Doha Development

Agenda, which will decide the future of the world trade

system, is now in crisis.

If they are successful, the WTO negotiations will

help to pull many people out of extreme poverty.

Farmers who cannot compete against multi-billion-

dollar subsidies will at last have a chance to prosper.

Poor African countries will finally be able to export

their products. If the round fails, however, the fallout

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will extend far beyond trade. The credibility of the

WTO system itself will be jeopardized, with negative

political and social repercussions. Scourges such as

organized crime, drug trafficking and terrorism will

find fertile ground in which to proliferate.

I have called on world leaders to shoulder their

responsibilities. The importance attached to this issue

at the most recent summit of the Group of Eight has

not yet produced practical results. Our generation has a

unique opportunity to show the world that selfish

interests will not prevail over the common good.

History will not forgive us if we miss that opportunity.

Fair trade, based on a solid consensus and on a

transparent WTO that is aware of the needs of

developing countries, is one of the pillars of the world

order that we uphold.

In the field of international peace and security,

another such pillar is the United Nations. Brazil is a

staunch supporter of international organizations as

forums for cooperation and dialogue. There is no more

effective way to bring States together, to keep the

peace, to protect human rights, to promote sustainable

development and to work out negotiated solutions to

common problems.

Conflicts such as that in the Middle East continue

to challenge the authority of the United Nations. The

recent crisis in Lebanon exposed the Organization to a

dangerous erosion of credibility. The effectiveness of

the United Nations is being seriously questioned.

Unable to act when it is needed, the Security Council is

accused of being lethargic.

World public opinion is impatient in the face of

such incomprehensible difficulties. The deaths of

innocent civilians — including women and children —

have shocked all of us. In Brazil, millions of Arabs and

Jews live together in harmony. Thus, Brazil’s interest

in the Middle East stems from a profound objective

social reality in our own country.

Apart from the countries directly involved,

Middle Eastern issues have always been addressed

exclusively by the major Powers. So far, they have

found no solution. Thus, we might ask: is it not time to

convene a broad-based conference under United

Nations auspices, with the participation of countries of

the region and others that could make a contribution on

the basis of their successful experiences in living

peacefully despite differences?

Brazil believes in dialogue. For that reason, we

held a summit of South American and Arab countries in

2005. We also have good relations with Israel, whose

birth as a State came about when a Brazilian, Oswaldo

Aranha, was the President of the General Assembly.

Conflicts among nations are not resolved only with

money and weapons; ideas, values and feelings also

have their place, particularly when they are based on

real-life experiences.

More than ever before, the authority of the United

Nations needs to be strengthened. We have already

made significant progress through the administrative

reform process and the establishment of both the

Human Rights Council and the Peacebuilding

Commission. But the task will remain irreparably

incomplete without changes in the Security Council,

the body responsible for overseeing issues related to

peace.

Together with the other members of the Group of

Four on Security Council reform, Brazil believes that

any expansion of the Council must envisage the

admission of developing countries as permanent

members. That would make the Council more

democratic, legitimate and representative. The great

majority of Member States agree with that view and

recognize the urgency of this matter.

We cannot deal with new problems using

outdated structures. Sooner or later, we must open the

way to democratizing international decision-making

bodies. As the Secretary-General has said, we travel

around the world preaching democracy to others; we

must now apply democracy to ourselves and show that

there is genuine representation in the political bodies

of the United Nations.

South America is a priority for Brazilian foreign

policy. Our region is our home. We are expanding the

Common Market of the South (MERCOSUR) and

strengthening the South American Community of

Nations. The future of Brazil is linked to that of its

neighbours. A strong and united South America will

contribute to the integration of Latin America and the

Caribbean.

We also feel connected to the African continent

by historical and cultural ties. As the country with the

second-largest black population in the world, we are

committed to sharing Africa’s challenges and its

destiny. But regional matters are only part of the global

problems we face.

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The fight against hunger and poverty, the

breakdown of the Doha round and the stalemate in the

Middle East are interconnected issues. The appropriate

handling of these matters requires trust in negotiated

solutions at the multilateral level.

This trust has now been shaken. This is extremely

serious. The world order that it is our task to build

must be based on justice and respect for international

law. That is the only way to achieve peace,

development and genuine democratic coexistence

within the community of nations.

There is no lack of resources. What is missing is

the political will to use them where they can make a

difference. They can then turn despair into joy and find

a reason to live.