Angola, 1982

It is a great pleasure to begin by extending to the President on

behalf of the Government of the People's Republic of Angola, our most

heartfelt congratulations on his election at this thirty-seventh

session of the general Assembly. Allow me to avail myself of this

opportunity to express our great satisfaction at seeing preside over

this august Assembly, a distinguished representative of a socialist

country, the People's Republic of Hungary, with which we maintain

excellent relations of friendship, solidarity and co-operation. We

wish him every success in the exercise of his lofty responsibilities.

May I also reaffirm to Mr. Kittani, our deep appreciation for the

dignified and clear-sighted manner in which he acquitted himself of

his mandate during the thirty-sixth session of the Assembly. May I

further reiterate to the Secretary-General our most sincere

appreciation for his tireless efforts in seeking the most appropriate

solutions to the grave problems which the international community

faces.

184. The thirty-seventh session is being held at a very critical

time, since the international situation has deteriorated seriously to

the point of gravely threatening the survival of a certain number of

peoples.

185. Every year we all come to participate in the annual session

of the general Assembly; a torrent of speeches is heard, support for

the noble principles of freedom, peace, justice, democracy,

solidarity, development and co-operation is reaffirmed by every one

of us, but, unfortunately, the application of these ideas stops for

some among us as soon as we leave the United Nations Headquarters.

186. Repeatedly, and from this very rostrum, we have expressed our

profound concern because of the progressive deterioration in the

international situation and because of its disastrous consequences

for all of mankind. We cannot, nor should we conceal our great

anguish at seeing the impotence, the resignation or the abdication of

the competent international bodies when faced with the proliferation

of hotbeds of tension, which are deliberately and dangerously kindled

by imperialist Powers, and in particular by the present United States

Administration.

187. No one here should ignore the causes and agents which are

responsible for so sombre a picture. We wonder how long peoples and

Governments which love peace and justice will have to wait for the

adequate existing United Nations organs firmly to shoulder their

responsibilities and take really effective measures -which are

available to them-with respect to the Governments of certain Western

Powers, in order to put an end to: the flagrant violations of the

fundamental principles of the Charter; continuance of colonial wars,

and the promoting of aggressions of every kind, directly or

indirectly against States which adopt independent and progressive

positions; the economic plundering of underdeveloped countries and

the persistent prevention of a gradual reduction in the ever-widening

gap between the rich developed countries, and the poor underdeveloped

countries; the imposition of military bases in every comer of the

world, generally maintained against the will of the peoples; the

insistence on hampering the serious efforts made by the socialist

countries and progressive and democratic forces to achieve detente,

general and complete disarmament, the global prohibition of the

manufacture and use of weapons of mass destruction, in particular

nuclear, biological and chemical weapons, including the neutron bomb;

the accelerated rise of military budgets and expenditures stimulated

by an escalation in the arms race, so that these astronomical amounts

of money might be judiciously devoted to the economic and social

development of the underdeveloped countries; and the systematic

manoeuvres designed to counter the establishment of a new

international economic order, as advocated by the movement of

non-aligned countries.

188. Faced with this alarming situation, which obviously endangers

the future of peoples, and faced with the growing tragedy endured by

millions of human beings, who are still deprived of their freedom and

the right to choose their own destiny, lacking in the ways and means

to fight against servitude, humiliation, tyranny, wretchedness,

famine, ignorance and disease, we feel compelled to repeat, who bears

the grave responsibility, in the first place, for such a

deterioration in the international situation? As we see it, it is the

present United States Administration, and certain of its allies and

agents, or preferred instruments which, bear this responsibility: the

racist and Fascist regimes of Pretoria and Tel Aviv.

189. We see it this way because of the firm conviction of the

Government of the People's Republic of Angola that no country that

was socialist, progressive or loved peace and justice has taken or

will take initiatives to promote hotbeds of tension, to unleash a

nuclear war or use other weapons of mass destruction, because the

survival of mankind, international peace and security, the

independence of peoples and peaceful coexistence are for them a

primary principle and objective.

190. World problems which seriously affect peace, security,

development, freedom and independence require considerable efforts

from the international community as a whole and a global response

that has due regard forth fact that each people has the right freely

to choose its own political, economic, social and cultural system,

without intimidation or pressures; that it is the right of every

people to be in charge of its own national riches and to exploit them

for its own benefit; that it is the right of every people to reject

any form of subordination to and dependence on any source, and any

interference or pressure, political, economic or military.

191. There is no denying that in the present situation detente,

general and complete disarmament, the nuclear threat and the arms

race are the major concerns of countries that love peace and justice.

In this respect, may we recall that the position of Angola has been

clearly defined once again during the second special session of the

General Assembly devoted to disarmament, so we need not repeat it

here.

192. Since the People's Republic of Angola is a geopolitical

component of the African continent, it is legitimate for the

Government of Angola to give primary attention to African problems,

in particular to those of southern Africa, in view of the grave

implications for the region and for the world.

193. For some 20 years many relevant resolutions have been adopted

by the United Nations, the OAU and the non-aligned movement,

recognizing, on the one hand, the right of the Namibian people to

self-determination and independence and, on the other hand,

denouncing or firmly condemning the illegal occupation of Namibia by

the criminal South African regime.

194. Directly confronted with threats, aggression and armed

invasion by the racist and terrorist Pretoria regime since 1975, the

People's Republic of Angola expects from the international community

a decisive commitment in line with the requirements of our time,, so

that the problem of Namibia may be finally settled and so that the

people of Angola may, for its part, be able to expel the racist

invaders, to respond to future aggression and to ensure the defence

of its national Sovereignty and territorial integrity.

195. What is the situation today? As we nil know, the contact

group submitted to SWAPO, the frontline States and to Nigeria in

October 1981 a plan of action that includes three phases; first, the

adoption

by the end of January of 1982 of the so-called constitutional

principles by the concerned and interested parties, principles which

are to be included in the future, constitution, of Namibia; secondly,

approval by the end of March by the Security Council of the

composition and size of the United Nations troop contingent, and

resolution of the question of the United. Nations impartiality

raised by the Pretoria regime; thirdly, implementation, starting in

April, of the United Nations plan in accordance with Security Council

resolution 435 (1978), containing four fundamental aspects: a

cease-fire; the gradual reduction of South African troops to 1,500

men; stationing of United Nations troops in Namibia; and free and

fair elections.

196. Since the first meetings with the contact group -and quite

outside its framework and mission-the United States delegation has

asked for bilateral contacts with the Angolan authorities and has

begun to try to link the presence of the Cuban internationalist

forces in the People's Republic of Angola to the negotiating process

for the independence of Namibia. This has always been firmly rejected

by the Government of Angola, in view of the absurdity of such a

linkage which, in fact, ill conceals the obsession or paranoia of the

United States Administration about the stationing of the Cuban

internationalist forces in the People's Republic of Angola.

197. In view of the deadlock in the negotiations on the first

phase, because of the electoral system proposed by the contact group,

and since the presence of Cuban forces in the People's Republic of

Angola has become the subject of a slanderous and hostile campaign by

the United States Administration which is shamelessly seeking at all

costs to link that presence to the process of the independence of

Namibia-directly, or through the racist South African regime, which

has become its sounding board-as an additional means of preventing

the implementation of the resolutions which the United Nations has

already adopted, the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the People's

Republic of Angola and of the Republic of Cuba, on behalf of their

respective Governments, prepared and signed a joint declaration on 4

February 1982, with which all the Members of this international body

are fully familiar.

198. It is therefore fitting to recall that, at the end of the

month of August 1981, at a lunch offered to the foreign press

accredited in South Africa, and at the very moment when a large-scale

aggression was being perpetrated against the People's Republic of

Angola, the South African Prime Minister declared that the Cubans

represent no threat to South Africa and that South Africa does not

regard the withdrawal of the Cubans from Angola as a prior condition

to the peaceful solution of the Namibian question.

199. Nevertheless, it is surprising but significant that a certain

number of those who express their concern about the presence of the

Cuban internationalist forces in the People's Republic of Angola show

no such concern in respect of the illegal occupation for more than a

year of a part of the territory of Angola by the racist and Fascist

South African troops. What moral can be drawn from that?

200. And yet, in the course of these last nine months, the South

African army has carried out 580 reconnaissance flights, 18 air

bombardments, 96 landings of troops from helicopters and several

sabotage and reprisal actions against the civilian population. The

Angolan armed forces have suffered 31 dead, 65 wounded and 38

missing, while the enemy forces have suffered 39 dead. Seven South

African aircraft and three helicopters have been shot down.

201. Thus we believe that the following positions of principle

must be borne in mind.

202. First, the joint Angolan-Cuban declaration states solemnly

and unambiguously that the intention is gradually to withdraw the

Cuban internationalist forces stationed on Angolan territory.

203. Secondly, on 23 April 1976, a month after expelling the South

African troops, the Angolan and Cuban Governments agreed on a

programme progressively to reduce those forces and, in less than a

year, the Cuban military contingent was reduced by more than one

third. Towards the middle of 1979 the two Governments once again

decided to implement another programme for the gradual reduction of

the Cuban forces. Nevertheless, those two programmes had to be

suspended at a certain point because of the growing number and scope

of South African armed aggression against the provinces of Cunene and

Huila. It should be emphasized that the Angolan and Cuban Governments

spontaneously took the initiative to implement those programmes. Ho

Government -including that of the United States of America- and no

international organization dared to propose or demand that we do so.

How is one then to understand the sickly insistence of the United

States Administration on this subject and its inability to realize

that such an attitude is a gross and inadmissible interference in the

internal affairs of an independent and sovereign country?

204. Thirdly, in that same joint declaration we stated that when

the Governments of Angola and Cuba so decide, the withdrawal of Cuban

forces stationed on Angolan territory will be carried out by a

sovereign decision of the Government of the People's Republic of

Angola when there is no further possibility of aggression or armed

invasion and, in that connection, the Government of Cuba reiterated

that it will unreservedly respect any decision taken by the sovereign

Government of the People's Republic of Angola concerning the

withdrawal of those forces. Once again we solemnly reaffirm before

the Assembly what our intentions are.

205. Furthermore, in the course of these last three months,

American representatives in the contact group have been making a very

special effort to spread optimism about the results already achieved

in the negotiations that have been going on in New York since the

month of June. In fact that is a false and ill-intentioned optimism.

It is false, because the electoral system has not yet been defined,

the final composition of the United Nations forces has not yet been

decided, and the cease-fire between SWAPO and the Pretoria regime,

which will constitute the essential point of departure for the

implementation of the United Nations plan, in accordance with

Security Council resolution 435 (1978), seem to us to be far from

being anticipated

or applied. It is ill-intentioned in that the American Administration

has started a manoeuvre to attribute to the People's Republic of

Angola responsibility for the delay of, or even for preventing, a

swift and adequate solution of the process of independence for

Namibia owing to the position of the Government of Angola regarding

linkage and the withdrawal of the Cuban internationalist forces. In

point of fact, this manoeuvre constitutes an escape hatch for those

who are or will be the ones really responsible for such a situation.

206. Thus, since the position of the Government of Angola is a

legitimate one the heads of State and Government of the front-line

States meeting at Lusaka on 4 September 1982:

... noted with indignation that a new element has been introduced by

the United States of America in seeking to link the negotiations for

the independence of Namibia to the withdrawal of Cuban forces from

Angora. In this respect, the Summit emphasized without any ambiguity

the importance of separating the decolonization process of Namibia

from the stationing of Cuban forces in Angola. The insistence on

maintaining this linkage is contrary to the spirit and the letter of

[Security Council] resolution 435 (1978) and can only hamper the

negotiating process. Furthermore, this insistence constitutes

interference in Angola's internal affairs. In this context, they

expressed their complete support for the Angolan position on the

question, which is clearly defined in the joint declaration of the

Governments of the People's Republic of Angola and of the Republic of

Cuba, of 4 February 1982. Accordingly, they rejected any attempt to

make the People's Republic of Angola responsible for any delay in the

prompt conclusion of the negotiations on the independence of Namibia.

They strongly condemned the aggression and invasion of Angola by

South African forces and demanded that the Pretoria regime cease all

acts of aggression and withdraw its troops from Angola.

207. A similar position was taken during the Third Conference of

Heads of State of the People's Republic of Angola, the Republic of

Cape Verde, the Republic of Guinea-Bissau, the People's Republic of

Mozambique and the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe,

which was held in the capital of Cape Verde on 21 and 22 September

1982.

208. May I be allowed to remind the Assembly of the enormous

sacrifices which the heroic people of Angola has already made and the

extremely high price it is paying in thousands of lost human lives

and material damage amounting to more than $7.5 billion.

209. I should like once again to remind the Assembly of the

proposal made at the thirty-first session by the Angolan Government

for consideration by the general Assembly, that an international

fund for the national reconstruction of Angola be established,

amounting to approximately $300 million. It is sad to note that so

just a proposal has not received the least attention from this world

body, despite the fact that in its resolution 475 (1980) the Security

Council requested Member States urgently to extend all necessary

assistance to the People's

Republic of Angola and the other front-line States, and called for

'the payment by South Africa of full and adequate compensation to the

People's Republic of Angola for the damage to life ard property

resulting from these acts of aggression. May we renew our hopes that

this bitter cry will be heard?

210. Everyone knows that in South Africa the internal situation is

progressively deteriorating as the conflicts within the hideous

regime and the ruling party grow worse, and the valiant fighters of

the African National Congress [ANC] steadfastly and heroically carry

out political and military; their efforts are recognized even by the

Pretoria regime, and this has led to an escalation of threats and

aggression, as well as an increasing use of mercenary forces and

bandit groups-trained, financed, organized and commanded by South

Africa-against the People's Republic of Mozambique. It has also led

to acts of aggression perpetrated against the Republics of Zimbabwe

and Zambia 2nd the Kingdom of Lesotho. All States Members of the

United Nations should firmly condemn these actions and should stand

in active solidarity with the ANC and the front-line States.

21L With regard to Western Sahara, we reiterate our unflinching

solidarity with the heroic Sahraoui people, which, under the

leadership of its sole authentic representative, the POLISARIO Front,

is victoriously pursuing its armed struggle against Moroccan

occupation to recover full independence and territorial integrity. We

welcome the admission of the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic to the

OAU, and we reiterate our conviction that there trust be direct

negotiations between the two conflicting parties in the search for a

political solution.

212. With regard to the temporary difficulties now being

experienced by the OAU, we consider that any problems that might

affect us should be discussed by us alone, within our continental

organization, and without any interference from outside Africa, as

has been noted. The fact that the thirty-eighth ordinary session of

the Council of Ministers of the OAU, held at Addis Ababa in February

1982, and the nineteenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State

and Government of the OAU, at Tripoli, held in August 1982, were

obstructed is a part of the strategy of American imperialism and some

of its allies aimed at subjugating or paralysing international bodies

which play an active role in the struggle for the political and

economic independence of peoples. We are absolutely convinced that

this momentary crisis will soon be overcome.

213. We are deeply moved by the bloody events in Lebanon. The

brutal armed invasion carried out by the racist and fascist Tel Aviv

regime, with the full and shameful connivance of the United States

Administration and the inadmissible passivity of certain Arab States;

the genocide of Palestinians and Lebanese in west Beirut; and the

massacre, the carnage, at Sabra and Shatila: these can never be

forgotten, and call for our strongest condemnation and an appropriate

response in due course.

214. We are firmly convinced that the Palestinian people and its

sole legitimate representative, the PLO, will resume the fight after

having, by their heroic resistance during the fierce battles of those

73 historic days, won the respect andadmiration of all those who

stand with the peoples struggling for their independence. We reaffirm

our unswerving solidarity with the Palestinian people and the PLO as

they carry on their struggle to recover their usurped homeland and to

establish an independent State there.

215. After seven years of Indonesian military occupation, the

people of East Timor, under the leadership of its vanguard

organization and legitimate representative, the Frente Revolucionaria

de Timor Leste Independente, continues its heroic resistance, in

spite of the lack of solidarity on the part of some countries of the

non-aligned movement. Those countries should identify themselves with

the struggle of the people of East Timor, out of respect for the

fundamental principles of non-alignment.

216. The inability of the Indonesian army to stamp out the armed

liberation struggle of the people of East Timor clearly shows that

people's rejection of integrate into or annexation by Indonesia of

its homeland. The 35,000 Indonesian soldiers present there, recourse

to helicopter-borne forces to try to destroy the fighting forces of

FRETILIN, which control 70 per cent of the national territory, the

terror and famine imposed on the people of East Timor -will all fail

to thwart the nationalist feelings of that people or its resolve to

fight. Yet more than 200,000 persons have been massacred by the

troops of a self-styled non-aligned country which never fought

against the former administering Power, Portugal, during the colonial

period.

217. The Indonesian troops, and thus the Indonesian Government,

are today carrying out an appalling genocide, through physical

liquidation, cultural repression, deportation, and repopulation with

thousands of Javanese citizens. But there are the beginnings of

resistance in the Indonesian army against participating in operations

aimed at eliminating the patriots of East Timor. This is proved by

the recent refusal to act of two battalions, which are today isolated

on one of the islands of the country.

218. It only needed Portugal to shirk its responsibilities towards

the people of East Timor by not proceeding to the transfer of power

to the FRETILIN leaders for Indonesia to invade and militarily occupy

part of East Timor and the outskirts of the capital, where its

military contingents had established themselves.

219. Ever since the thirtieth session of the general Assembly the

Organization has been expressing deep concern over the situation

obtaining in East Timor as a result of the intervention of Indonesian

armed forces and has been requesting the Indonesian Government to

withdraw without delay its forces from the Territory in order to

enable the people of East Timor freely to exercise their right to

self-determination and independence, as provided in general Assembly

resolution 3485 (XXX). Security Council resolutions 384 (1975) and

389 (1976) once again call on the Indonesian Government to withdraw

its forces from the Territory forthwith. Resolution 36/50, adopted at

the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly, reaffirms the same

principles and makes the same requests. The Indonesian Government,

however, shows no sign of willingness to respect United Nations

decisions. It is therefore imperative that States Members of the

United Nations, in particular those which are members of the

non-aligned movement, do not endorse the brutal annexation of East

Timor to Indonesia, a country which does not even respect our

resolutions.

220. Bearing in mind that the Government of Portugal seems to wish

to resume its responsibilities as the former administering Power in

order to bring the tragedy of the people of East Timor to the

attention of the international community, we wish to express

encouragement for the request of the Government of Portugal aimed at

satisfying the legitimate aspirations of the people of the Democratic

Republic of East Timor.

221. With regard to developments in the situation in the

Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, in the People's Republic of

Kampuchea, in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and in the

Republic of Cyprus, we reaffirm our active solidarity with those

peoples in their respective causes and our support for the positions

of their Governments in the quest for just and appropriate solutions.

222. With regard to Latin America, we reaffirm our militant

solidarity with the Salvadorian people and with its legitimate

representatives, the Revolutionary Democratic Front and the Farabundo

Marti National Liberation Front in their just struggles against the

present regime in El Salvador, and we heartily welcome the victories

they have already won.

223. We wish to reaffirm our solidarity with the Cuban people in

their revolution. We support their efforts to overcome the

consequences of the criminal economic boycott imposed by American

imperialism, in flagrant violation of human rights, and we denounce

the aggression and the threats against the Cuban people. We welcome

also the revolutionary process of the peoples of Nicaragua and

Grenada and their determination to face the serious threats that hang

over them. We also reaffirm our active solidarity with the Puerto

Rican people and denounce the imperialist manoeuvres which, by means

of despicable political and economic pressures, have prevented the

inclusion of the question of Puerto Rico in the agenda.

224. No one is unaware of the fact that the Security Council and

General Assembly as well as the OAU have already adopted several

resolutions on mercenarism, condemning the activities of mercenaries,

their recruitment and their use for the purpose of destabilizing

actions in underdeveloped countries, particularly on the African

continent. While it is true that a Convention for the Elimination of

Mercenarism in Africa has already been adopted by the OAU-and the

People's Republic of Angola, which has suffered and continues to

suffer the misdeeds of mercenaries, is proud of the important

contribution it made to that Convention-it is imperative, none the

less, for the General Assembly to adopt as soon as possible an

international convention prohibiting the recruitment, use, financing

and training of mercenaries and the provision of transit facilities

to them. Indeed, we hope that the Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of

an International Convention against the Recruitment, Use, Financing

and Training of Mercenaries, established under general Assembly

resolution 35/48, will fulfil its mandate and that such a convention

with finally be adopted.

225. Next month the Angolan people will celebrate the seventh

anniversary of the proclamation of the People's Republic of Angola,

under the dynamic and visionary leadership of Comrade Jose Eduardo

dos Santos, President of the MPLA-Labour Party and President of the

Republic. Important results have already been achieved in

consolidating the Angolan revolutionary process, in setting up the

structures of the party, in strengthening national unity and defence

and in laying the foundations for a socialist society in the People's

Republic of Angola.

226. Unfortunately, however, the Angolan Government has had to

devote most of its human and material resources to the defence of its

national sovereignty and territorial integrity, because of the

continuous acts of aggression by the racist and Fascist regime of

Pretoria. This has seriously affected the economic and social

development we had planned, but if we are to attain that paramount

goal the undeclared war against us must be brought to an end. We need

peace, and we dare to hope that that peace so fervently desired by

the Angolan people will be attained in the coming year.

227. The struggle continues. Victory is certain.