Angola, 1995

Permit me at

the outset, Sir, on behalf of the Government of the

Republic of Angola and of my entire delegation that is

accompanying me, to express my satisfaction at your

election to the presidency of this session of the General

Assembly of the United Nations. We are convinced that

your excellent personal qualities and the diplomatic skill

you have accumulated will guarantee the success of the

conduct of the work of this significant session. Your

election is also well-deserved recognition of the important

contribution which your country has made to the

promotion of peace and international security. I assure

you, at this stage, of the cooperation of my delegation.

We commit ourselves to doing everything to support this

arduous but honourable task with humility and a sense of

responsibility.

I cannot let this opportunity pass without expressing

my appreciation to the outgoing President, Mr. Amara

Essy, for the dedication and interest with which he carried

out the activities of the Assembly during his mandate.

Similarly, I address my remarks to the Secretary-General,

Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who has tenaciously done

everything, to find the very best solutions for the

problems afflicting humanity, pledging to provide our

Organization with the dynamism needed to face future

challenges.

The fiftieth session of the General Assembly, which

coincides with the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of

the United Nations, provides us with an opportunity to

engage in profound reflection on the extent to which we

have moved forward towards the realization of its main

goals, inter alia, preservation of international peace and

security, promotion and protection of human rights, and

economic and social development, with a view to looking

more optimistically and more boldly at the challenges

which lie ahead on the eve of the twenty-first century.

In fact, although the changes that took place in the

wake of the cold war led to a certain easing in

international relations and promoted, as never before,

democratic values, the international situation nevertheless

has continued to deteriorate in recent times in the

political, economic, social and financial spheres. Conflicts

of all sorts proliferate, affecting principally the countries

of the so-called third world and creating a climate of

uncertainty as to the future of humankind.

As we approach the twenty-first century, we face

new and greater challenges that will necessitate joint,

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concerted action by the Members of the United Nations.

This will require a new democratic structure in international

relations, in the broadest sense.

More than ever before, we need to think about the

objectives and role of the United Nations, as set out in the

Charter, and focus on that task.

The process of restructuring the United Nations should

lead the Organization to an arrangement that reflects the

new challenges we face in the world at this time and that

would allow for the broad participation of its Members. We

are convinced that the present structure of the United

Nations — and in particular that of the Security Council —

does not meet the present needs of post-cold-war

international relations. Apart from the restructuring

undertaken in the agencies that coordinate economic and

social development worldwide, priority should be given to

the restructuring of the Security Council, whose

composition continues to be a reflection of the cold war.

The enlargement of the Council should take place with

respect to the categories of permanent and non-permanent

members alike. This will require taking into consideration

the need for geographic balance.

We are also in favour of restructuring the methods of

work of the United Nations so as to make them more

transparent.

Furthermore, it is important to guarantee the

effectiveness of the mechanisms and means of ensuring

implementation of the decisions of United Nations organs.

In recent years, the General Assembly has adopted

numerous resolutions, and important global strategies have

been defined in various forums under the aegis of the

United Nations, aimed at solving problems afflicting all

humankind. These problems range from the living

conditions of children, the environment, human rights,

population problems and social development to, more

recently, the issue of the situation of women, dealt with at

the Beijing Conference.

The time has come to take action. The unsatisfactory

functioning of some of the mechanisms for monitoring the

application of decisions and the weak commitment of States

have been the root cause of the failure to carry out many of

these recommendations.

The world socio-economic situation continues to

deteriorate, particularly in the so-called developing

countries, where many economies are on the verge of

collapse.

Public assistance for development has sunk to

deplorable levels. United Nations agencies involved in

development have seen their budgets severely affected by

the financial crisis, resulting in cuts in numerous

programmes that were destined to help raise development

indicators in various countries. To give just one example,

the annual report of the Secretary-General indicates that

the United Nations Development Programme experienced

a reduction of $1.4 billion in the period 1992-1996.

Structural adjustment programmes undertaken in

various countries have not produced the desired results,

leading to reductions in national funds in the social field.

These negative factors are cumulative, and added to them

is the heavy burden of external debt, whose service alone

consumes a large part of the gross national product of

debtor countries.

Africa’s capacity to repay debt has been negatively

affected not only by weak economic structures inherited

from the past, but also by natural disasters and internal

armed conflicts. In view of this situation, it is necessary

to adopt measures that are more just and less prejudicial,

so that debtor countries can pay their external debt

without hindering their development or requiring further

sacrifices on the part of the poorest segments of their

populations.

The principal international financial institutions

should grant more favourable credit to developing

countries, so that the remedies applied to their respective

economies will not lead to a deterioration of the health of

those economies.

The present international economic order does not

favour the economies of the so-called third world. It is

thus necessary to have a more just international economic

order, without protectionist measures that impede

international business relations and create discrimination

against developing countries, the majority of which

become sources of raw materials and inexpensive labour

and importers of manufactured goods.

The strengthening of south-south cooperation and

regional economic integration will, as we see it, be an

adequate response to this trend. Countries of the southern

region of Africa, to which Angola belongs, have provided

a good example of regional integration, both economic

and political, by forming the Southern African

Development Community (SADC). Given the prospects

for total political stability in the region and its economic

potential, the region may well transform itself into an

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important development zone. In the same way we value the

joint regional integration between members of the Zone of

Peace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic, of which

Angola is also a member.

In successive resolutions the General Assembly has

recommended that priority be given to our continent in

terms of aid for development, because it is the region of the

world that has most suffered the tragic effects of

colonialism. But reality shows a significant drop in

resources available for development. This aggravates the

precarious economic situation of African countries that have

no capital and no technology, which increases poverty and

makes them susceptible to serious internal conflict.

If, as we have just indicated, it is true that we are

witnessing, nearly everywhere, some proliferation of

regional conflicts that put peace and international security

at risk, it is also true that in Africa these conflicts have

reached a level of great danger. Not only is the dimension

of such conflicts a source of concern but so is their nature.

Its markedly ethnic, racial or religious character is being

used to justify intentions which place at risk the unity and

territorial integrity of several nations.

The inadmissible genocide that occurred in Rwanda

seriously damaged the values of human dignity and

tolerance. Above all, it demonstrated the need for the

international community to seek new ways and means to

eliminate the focal points of conflict and to guarantee

protection for civilian populations, the people who are the

primary victims of internal conflicts.

In Burundi we are concerned about the deteriorating

internal situation. In this connection the international

community, and the United Nations in particular, should

shoulder their responsibilities in order to help avoid the

repetition in that country of earlier events by supporting by

every means available the efforts carried out by the

Organization of African Unity (OAU) mission with a view

to fostering peace and stability.

In Somalia the continuing fratricidal war that is tearing

that society apart is threatening the very existence and

integrity of the country. The international community, and

the United Nations in particular, cannot and should not fail

to shoulder its responsibilities vis-à-vis the people of

Somalia.

We pay tribute to Liberia for the recent developments

in that country, thanks to the recent Abuja peace agreement

between the warring parties. We hope that this agreement

will finally bring lasting peace to the Liberian people.

Concerning Western Sahara, we join our voice to the

voice of the international community in urging the

interested parties to observe the United Nations peace

plan.

Despite its own internal difficulties, the Government

of the Republic of Angola is doing its utmost to support

OAU efforts within the framework of African

mechanisms of prevention, management and resolution of

conflicts. In that context we did not hesitate to make a

contribution to a resolution of the crisis faced by the

people of the Republic of Sao Tome and Principe after

the coup d’état of 15 August. As the Assembly will be

aware, Angolan mediation helped to restore democratic

institutions and constitutional order in that country. We

have acted on behalf of the historic solidarity which links

our two peoples in a common struggle for democratic

liberties and respect for the law of constitutional

institutions.

Thanks to the support provided by the international

community, particularly the Portuguese-speaking

countries, along with the European Union, France and

Portugal in particular, and of course the Secretary-General

of the United Nations, we were able, in a short period of

time, to get an agreement between the parties on 22

August last.

The conflict in the countries of the former

Yugoslavia is one of the most complex conflicts seen in

Europe since the end of the cold war. The Government of

Angola is concerned about this conflict. We support the

current peace initiatives and hope that the meeting

between the parties involved and the mediators will lead

to concrete results, to the satisfaction of the peoples of

the region.

The situation in the Middle East has been marked by

some important and significant developments since the

signing of the agreement between Israel and the Palestine

Liberation Organization (PLO) and the beginning of the

normalization of bilateral relations among countries of the

region.

Such advances are quite encouraging. We are

confident of a final end to the Arab-Israeli conflict if we

continue to see political will, a constructive spirit and

flexibility demonstrated on all sides. Angola has always

defended the right to self-determination of the people of

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Palestine and the restitution of the occupied Arab territories.

We here reiterate our support for the peace process that is

under way and express our opposition to acts of violence

intended to call into question the continuation of this

process.

The question of East Timor continues to prick the

conscience of the international community. It is necessary

to ensure that the people of East Timor enjoy the legitimate

right freely to choose its own destiny and that this be

recognized. In this regard the United Nations has an

important responsibility, which it cannot escape.

We are particularly encouraged by the opening of a

dialogue between Portugal and Indonesia. But there will be

positive results only if the interests and options of the

people of the Territory are borne in mind during the search

for a just and acceptable solution.

Angola shares with the people of East Timor a

common past of struggle against Portuguese colonialism.

We will continue to give our utmost to the search for a just

and acceptable solution.

By sustaining an economic, commercial and financial

embargo against Cuba for more than 30 years the United

States of America has created a paradox within the reality

of our times. The embargo is a set-back to international

efforts to eliminate the last relics of the cold war. Angola

therefore reiterates its opposition to this unilateral measure,

whose extraterritorial impact is in violation of international

norms of free trade and international law.

Practice shows that constructive dialogue is the best

solution for resolving differences, similar to that which

occurred in reaching a solution to the problem of migration

between the two countries. We think that it is up to the

people of Cuba freely to decide their own destiny.

Obviously, I cannot refrain from making reference to

the situation in my own country, which will be of interest

to many here. As is known, after long years of war Angola

finally found the path to peace, starting with the signature

of the Lusaka Protocol and the initial steps taken to

implement its provisions. It is an agreement that

complements the fundamental structure of the peace process

established by the Bicesse Accords, which were signed with

the mediation of the Government of Portugal.

Since the signature of the Lusaka document in 1991

and the cease-fire agreed to in November last year, the

situation in our country has evolved significantly, despite

some negative aspects and obstacles that I shall mention

shortly. Major offensive military actions have stopped,

leading to the free movement of people and goods in

many areas of the country under Government control. We

are now seeing the return of thousands of displaced

citizens to their areas of origin.

In the political area, a direct dialogue has begun

between the Government and UNITA, between His

Excellency the President of Angola and Mr. Savimbi.

This has facilitated the resolution of many problems

related to the implementation of the Accords that were

not resolved at Lusaka.

In addition, the Government has taken important

steps to strengthen the climate of mutual trust and to

make reconciliation possible. Within this context, the

Government supported a legislative initiative to modify

the Constitution to accommodate the leader of UNITA as

one of the two Vice-Presidents of the Republic. That

significant political gesture, along with the future

integration of UNITA members in a government of

national unity, will create conditions for Angolans to

enjoy a definitive and lasting peace in a climate of

tolerance, free from hatreds or resentment.

Despite those efforts, which my Government views

as positive, we continue to be concerned by the excessive

delays in the implementation of the peace process, whose

most serious issue is the quartering and demobilization of

UNITA forces, which has not yet been implemented as it

should have been under the Lusaka Accords. This delay

has resulted in some serious recent problems and

incidents in some regions of the country. Such incidents

do not at this time pose a serious threat to peace, but they

are capable of creating dangerous focal points of tension

that call into question the trust that is needed for full

implementation of the Peace Accords.

My Government would like to take this opportunity

to express its gratitude for the work done by the United

Nations Observer Mission in Angola. It has by and large

assured respect for the provisions of the Peace Accords

and has involved the presence of many countries

represented here. We believe that the complete

deployment of peace-keeping infantry units will make it

possible better to control the implementation of the

commitments made in Lusaka.

The post-conflict phase in Angola will require urgent

measures of a special economic and social nature in order

to move the country rapidly out of the state of crisis, to

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rebuild its productive and social infrastructures and to

prevent a return to war, measures which must guarantee the

social reintegration of thousands of military personnel, of

whom some 150,000 are to be demobilized, and the return

of refugees and internally displaced persons who are

returning to their areas of origin.

As I speak, a meeting is being held in Brussels

between my country and the European Community to come

up with an overall plan for national reconciliation. From

this rostrum we should like to express our thanks to all

countries that have assisted us and to all the United Nations

agencies that have made it possible to organize this

important meeting, the first round table meeting in Brussels.

My Government has entered in earnest on to the task of

achieving national reconciliation in our country. As we said

earlier, a community rehabilitation programme has been

created, in collaboration with the United Nations, to this

end. It has a budget of $700 million that will be open to all

donor countries in Brussels with a view, inter alia, to

restoring in the shortest possible time basic production

activity in the 18 provinces of the country.

We are aware that the rapid recovery of the Angolan

economy will depend largely on our success in

implementing this programme and achieving peace and

harmony in our country. It is an economy that saw its gross

national product and per capita income decrease by one half

as a consequence of war. Thus, we would like once again

to request the international community to continue to lend

assistance to Angola in order to achieve complete peace and

reconciliation among all Angolans. We hope that can

become a reality.