General Debate, session 54

Angola, 1999

Speaker
Jaio Bernardo de Miranda
Post
Minister for Foreign Affairs
Session
54th, 1999
Member state
Angola
Length
3,054 words

Statement as recorded

Allow me, to begin, Sir,

by congratulating you on behalf of the Government of the

Republic of Angola, and on my own behalf, on your

election as president of the General Assembly at this fifty-

fourth session. Your election to such an important post is

recognition of your experience, ability and diplomatic

capacity, as well as of Namibia’s role internationally.

Angola and Namibia not only share a long common border,

but also have close political, economic, cultural and

historical links. We sincerely hope that your mandate will

be crowned with success.

Our congratulations also go to the outgoing President,

Mr. Didier Opertti, for the excellent work carried out

during his mandate.

To the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr.

Kofi Annan, we would like also to express our thanks for

the wise and transparent manner in which he has led our

Organization.

It is also a pleasure for us to welcome the new

members of the United Nations, the Republic of Kiribati,

the Republic of Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga. Their

accession reflects the universal nature of the principles

and rules of the United Nations Charter. Angola is

convinced that these States will be able to successfully

take up their responsibilities, thereby contributing to the

strengthening of our Organization and the stability and

development of the South Pacific region and the world as

a whole.

For half a century, the Organization has carried out

activities to promote the ideals contained in its Charter.

With the end of the cold war we thought that large-scale

fratricidal wars would be things of the past; that the world

would no longer experience tension and insecurity; that

by now we would be in a position to welcome a

narrowing of the gap between the rich and poor countries;

that a significant part of humanity would be free from the

danger of dying of poverty and misery. However, these

things have not happened. The world is hostage to itself.

There is a plethora of new armed conflicts as a result of

hatred and racial, ethnic and religious intolerance; of the

denial of people’s right to self-determination; and even of

the unfathomable ambition of certain politicians to take

power by force or to attempt to thwart peoples’ sovereign

will to choose their own destinies.

The proliferation of armed conflicts is, to some

extent, a reflection of the absence of an international

security system under the aegis of the United Nations that

would be able to respond immediately and correctly to

potential conflicts. Despite instability in various areas of

the world, there has been a weak commitment to

establishing such a security system because of a lack of

political will on the part of certain members of the

international community. This indicates that the world is

still very far from achieving the long-desired peace and

development. Worse yet is the fact that certain entities of

international law approach the need for peace in the world

from a perspective of material and global strategic

interests — and at the expense of the universal human

values.

It weighs on our conscience to see that we still have

a long way to go to find solutions to situations of this

nature, and that the international community’s reactions

to similar situations of human suffering are not consistent.

These facts might lead us to believe that we are

dealing with a double standard and with measured

policies that are at variance with the spirit and letter of

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the Charter of the United Nations. The United Nations and

the international community as a whole have the political,

legal and moral duty to work a little harder, so that peoples

facing the scourge of the war will be able to achieve lasting

peace. The main objective of the United Nations can be

achieved worldwide, provided that there is coherence and

determination in the application of principles and decisions.

The global tolerance of impunity has been encouraging

the leaders of the rebel groups proliferating throughout the

world to carry out their terrorist and destructive campaigns,

the main victim of which is civil society. The differential

treatment accorded to identical situations of systematic and

massive violations of human rights and the war crimes that

are occurring in some areas of the world makes it

impossible for the international justice system to act with

the required effectiveness in dealing with some of the most

barbaric and bloodthirsty criminals that Africa has seen this

century. We are convinced that if the political and moral

power of the United Nations were exerted against all the

perpetrators of serious crimes, it would dishearten all those

who might be willing to resort to subversion and terrorism.

Thus the international community would be preventing the

emergence of new conflicts.

We are fully aware that States have the primary

responsibility for paving the way for the prevention of

conflicts. The implementation of democracy, which may

promote respect for human rights and the establishment of

neighbourly relations, may be able to contribute to

preventing the occurrence of conflicts. Indeed, many of the

current crises would not have lasted long if the States

involved in them had, in good faith, fully complied with

their international obligations as set forth in the Charter of

the United Nations and as established by regional

organizations. I refer in particular to the principle of

non-interference in the internal affairs of other States. For

this reason, the mechanisms for the fulfilment of such

international obligations by States should be further

reinforced.

The Government of the Republic of Angola commends

the work undertaken by the Secretary-General regarding the

reinforcement of the preventive diplomacy mechanisms.

However, the increase in the number of wars, particularly

since 1998, leads us to conclude that the efforts in this

regard still fall short of reaching the objectives. It is thus

necessary for us to strive to create the institutional capacity

for conflict prevention, including regional early-warning

mechanisms.

Regarding conflict resolution, Angola’s experiences

force us to stress that there is an urgent need to re-define

methods and strategies, mainly in the field of

peacekeeping operations. Other factors underlying the

limited success of some peacekeeping missions carried

out under the aegis of the United Nations are: the obvious

frailty of the verification systems of peace agreements;

the tendency to treat similarly the violator and the fulfiller

of these agreements; the overlooking of early signs that

suggest a lack of political will and ill-faith by one of the

sides; and the subsequent delayed application of coercive

measures.

As a member State of the international community

we need to rely on and have recourse to the United

Nations in its important role regarding the issues of

peacekeeping and security in the world. Angola will

continue to believe that, in order to establish peace in the

world, the United Nations role is of paramount

importance. We simply want to suggest that, given the

current international situation, this role should be played

in a more realistic and effective way, with a view to

living up to the expectations of people eager for peace

and to ensuring the credibility of our Organization.

I would like now to refer to the situation in Angola,

where five years have passed since the Lusaka Protocol

was signed between the Government and UNITA.

However, the main tasks involved in attaining a lasting

peace have not yet been achieved. In particular, UNITA

has not been completely disarmed and State authority has

not been restored in the illegally occupied areas. Rather,

the persistent refusal of the rebels to fully honour their

obligations and their preference for taking power by force

have plunged the country into a new era of violence.

Following this rejection of the people’s will, as

expressed at the polls during the 1992 general elections,

and the non-fulfilment of the provisions of the three peace

accords entered into with the Government — in 1989 in

Gbadolite, in the former Zaire; in 1991 in Portugal and in

1994 in Lusaka — Mr. Savimbi is still interested in

continuing his destabilization campaign. This includes

preventing the smooth running of the democratic

institutions; destroying cities, towns, villages,

infrastructure and public and private assets; and

mercilessly killing civilians. In this way he has been

condemning to misery, disease and famine all of the

people in Angola.

As a result of these actions, in addition to the

thousands of civilians who have already been killed,

33

almost 3 million others have left their homes in search of

refuge in the Government-controlled areas. Those

communities require humanitarian assistance from the

international community. In the framework of the

implementation of the Lusaka Protocol, the Government

has, in good faith, undertaken all the tasks provided for it

in the peace accords, in spite of the fact that Savimbi and

his military wing have resumed the war. The Government

continues to ensure the functioning of the democratic

institutions resulting from the general elections, and UNITA

members are represented in the Government and the

parliament.

In the national armed forces, military troops, officials

and soldiers appointed by UNITA remain faithful to the

ideals of democracy and national accord. Only Mr. Savimbi

and a fairly reduced number of qualified personnel who

remain faithful to him are still interested in making war

with a view to taking power. All of Savimbi’s propaganda

of recent years has merely been playing for time and

anticipating that developments on the international scene

might come out in his favour. His false messages on

negotiations, allowing him time to prepare the ground for

new military adventures, are elements of that strategy.

Indeed, what remains to be done in the Angolan peace

process is to enforce what was negotiated in-depth at

Lusaka over an entire year, particularly the disarming of all

of Mr. Jonas Savimbi’s military forces and the restoration

of state administration throughout the national territory. The

Angolan Government has long waited for Savimbi to decide

to opt for peace. Angola is currently facing other political

and economic challenges that cannot be indefinitely

postponed as a result of the actions of a single power-

hungry individual who considers war to be the only way to

fulfil his personal plans. Furthermore, in rejecting

Savimbi’s posture, many UNITA militants and leaders have

distanced him from the party. These women and men are

working in good faith to consolidate the Angolan

democratic process.

Given Savimbi’s obstructionist behaviour, the Security

Council decided to impose global mandatory sanctions

against UNITA, including the prohibition of international

travel for top UNITA officials directly involved in the

Angola war project. In the same vein, and as a result of the

crimes that Savimbi has been committing against the

civilian population, the Organization of African Unity

(OAU) and the Southern African Development Community

(SADC) declared him a war criminal and thus an unreliable

stakeholder in the implementation of peace in Angola. The

Non-Aligned Movement, in its ministerial meeting of 23

September 1999 held here in New York, expressed its

strong support for the resolution adopted at the recent

OAU Summit, which deems Mr. Savimbi a war criminal

and requires that he be treated as such by the entire

international community. We trust that there is no further

doubt about the criminal nature of Mr. Savimbi or the

need for him to be held responsible internationally for his

crimes and actions.

The Angolan Government reiterates its ongoing

commitment to paving the way for a lasting peace and, to

that end, to making use of all the means at its disposal,

and undertakes to proceed with the process of national

reconciliation and social democratization. A clear

demonstration of its commitment is the fact that, despite

the war climate pervading the country, at no time

whatsoever has the Government denied the rights and

individual liberties of citizens or of national legal political

forces.

In the framework of the political reforms initiated in

1991, a new constitution is being prepared in a process in

which all political parties are participating. The new

constitutional text will reinforce the rule of law and

consolidate the type of society that we intend to establish

in Angola: an economically prosperous one under

democratic rule of law and a State of social justice. In the

economic context, the reforms will follow their course

with a view to reinforcing the creation of other conditions

for an effective market economy and of a more

favourable environment for foreign investment.

In order to meet these challenges, we call for the

support and solidarity of the international community,

particularly regarding the implementation of sanctions

imposed by the Security Council against UNITA, so that

Angola can more rapidly achieve peace and consolidate

and accelerate the economic reform process.

It is our sincere hope that the new initiatives of the

Security Council, proposed by Ambassador Robert

Fowler, Chairman of the Committee on Sanctions, as well

as the support already expressed by some Governments

and international institutions, may contribute significantly

to reinforcing sanctions, dismantling the illegal diamond-

trafficking network, which is subsidizing the war carried

out by Savimbi, and bringing its perpetrators before the

court.

In tandem with its efforts to implement peace, the

Angolan Government is also committed to implementing

social-impact economic programmes and to relaunching

34

the basis for the resettlement of communities with a view

to economically rehabilitating the country. In this regard,

we wish to call upon all United Nations Member States to

support the draft resolution that Angola will submit to the

General Assembly on economic rehabilitation. In addition

to lending their support to the draft resolution, we call on

our partners particularly to participate in the economic

rehabilitation of Angola.

The disarming of anti-personal landmines is another

task that requires the ongoing involvement and support of

the international community. The Angolan Government will

remain engaged at the national, regional and international

levels in order to overcome that scourge. A clear

demonstration of this determination is the fact that we were

one of the first State parties to the Ottawa Convention on

the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and

Transfer of Anti-personnel Mines and on Their Destruction.

The security, stability and territorial integrity of

Angola and its neighbours depend on the stability of the

region. We are currently facing a dangerous increase of

destabilization which, if not controlled, may seriously affect

the development of that part of the continent. Angola will

continue to lend its support, under SADC, to the

implementation of peace in the Democratic Republic of the

Congo. The Ceasefire Agreement signed in Lusaka and its

complete fulfilment will pave the way for the return of

refugees and the initiation of dialogue between the

Congolese political forces, to which falls the responsibility

of deciding the destiny of their country. The United Nations

and the OAU are also called upon to play a crucial role in

the establishment of a lasting peace. It would be reasonable

for the invading countries to make a gesture by

withdrawing from Congolese territory and ceasing to

expand their occupation.

In the African Horn, Angola welcomes the acceptance

by the Governments of Ethiopia and Eritrea of the

Framework Agreement prepared by the OAU with a view

to settling the dispute between the two countries. We wish

to call upon both countries to demonstrate flexibility in

order to ensure that a peace agreement, taking into account

the interests of their peoples, can be celebrated.

With respect to Somalia, we call upon the international

community to support the efforts of the OAU to reconcile

the political and military factions and to establish an elected

Government so that the country can resume its place in the

community of nations.

In Western Sahara, the fulfilment of the Ceasefire

Agreement enabled the further development of the joint

efforts of the United Nations and the OAU leading to the

holding of a referendum. Angola expects the process to

be transparent and fair and that both parties shall accept

the verdict of the Sahraoui people.

Concerning East Timor, whose people is connected

to Angola by a shared language and a historical past of

struggle against Portuguese colonization, we were

disturbed by the acts of violence that followed the

announcement of the results of the popular consultation.

The decision of East Timor’s people in favour of self-

determination and independence should be respected. It is

now the United Nations responsibility to prepare an

enabling environment. In this regard, we strongly support

the dispatch of a United Nations international peace force.

As to the Middle East, Angola welcomes the

celebration of the Sharm el-Sheikh agreements between

Israel and the Palestinian Authority that have enabled the

peace process to be relaunched. It is our view that the

new agreements conform to the aspirations of the

respective peoples to living in peace and security.

The Government of the Republic of Angola and its

people are concerned about the difficult political,

economic and social situation of the Cuban people, which

has worsened under the ongoing economic embargo

imposed on their country. We hope that the matter will be

resolved through a constructive bilateral dialogue.

The latest international developments and the

challenges of the next millennium require that the United

Nations and its main bodies, particularly those dealing

with peace and security, economic development and the

administration of international justice, be adjusted to the

new situation.

Reform and an increase in the membership of the

Security Council will be crucial to making the

decision-making process more transparent. In this respect,

it is essential that all the regions of the world be

represented equally. Angola reaffirms the position of the

non-aligned countries on the reform of the Security

Council, as well as the common African position adopted

by the OAU.

Despite the progress achieved in some economies

and the disappearance of the signs of a new world

depression, the international economic situation continues

to be characterized by serious imbalances. The root

35

causes of the difficult situation faced by some developing

countries include the unfair system governing international

economic, monetary and financial relations; the adoption of

protectionist measures; the unilateral nature of world trade;

and the worsening of the external debt, which has become

a heavy burden for the developing countries.

It is necessary to take concrete measures which may

lead to structural changes in international economic

relations and may contribute to the balance of the world

economy. To this end, there should be a serious and

transparent will in the North-South dialogue.

United Nations official records are in the public domain worldwide under administrative instruction ST/AI/189/Add.9/Rev.2.

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