Sudan, 1982

Sir, I should like at the outset to extend to

you, on behalf of the delegation of the

Democratic Republic of the Sudan, sincere

congratulations upon your election as President

of this session of the General Assembly. We are

confident that your experience and wisdom will

enable you to lead our deliberations successfully.

46. We should also like to take this

opportunity to express to your predecessor, Mr.

Kittani, our deep appreciation of his

indefatigable efforts for the success - of the

thirty-sixth session, and to wish him all the

best in his future endeavors.

47. Since this is the first regular session

of the General Assembly since the election of the

new Secre¬tary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de

Cuellar, I should like to congratulate him first

on his election, and secondly on his excellent

report on the work of the Organization. The

report is of special importance, in our view, for

two reasons: first, for its candour and courage

in identifying the weakness in the Organi¬zation

and of its authority, and secondly, for its

timeliness, as it was released at a time when the

authority and prestige of the Organization were

waning and when the Security Council, the

principal organ entrusted with the maintenance of

peace and security, was almost paralysed.

48. We say this with specific reference to

the failure of the Security Council to deter

Israel and to put an end to its aggressive

actions, the latest of which was the invasion and

occupation of Lebanon and of its capital, Beirut

and the genocide carried out against Palestinians

and Lebanese in southern Lebanon and west Beirut

which culminated in the massacres at the Shatila

and Sabra refugee camps. Session after session,

the overwhelming majority of the members of the

international community represented in the

Assembly have warned about and called attention

to the aggres¬sive nature of Israel, its

expansionist policies and its sinister design to

exterminate the Palestinian people. Its latest

act of aggression against Lebanon and the

Palestinians is but additional proof of those

sinister designs.

49. The records attests to this assertion:

first, the Israeli invasion of Lebanon was

mounted under extremely dubious pretexts at a

time when the PLO was fully respecting the 1981

cease-fire agreement; secondly, the invasion and

the genocide that followed took place at a time

when the Security Council was constantly meeting,

adopting resolution after resolu¬tion to no

avail; thirdly, the invasion and its gruesome

aftermath took place while the whole world,

through the mass media, was watching the carnage;

fourthly, Israel persisted in its barbaric

activities in Lebanon despite the advice, the

warning, the opposition and the denunciation of

the whole international community, including

Israel's allies; fifthly, Israel not only defied

the resolutions of the General Assembly and of

the Security Council, but went further, defying

and brushing aside the authority of the Security

Council represented by the United Nations

peace-keeping forces in southern Lebanon:

sixthly, the Beirut mas¬sacre was a further

manifestation not only of Israel's defiance of

the United Nations but also of its defiance of

the whole international community and of its

Mends when it blatantly violated the Beirut

agreement, under which the Palestinian fighters

left Beirut, leaving thousands of Palestinian

civilians under the sole protection of the

guarantees contained in that agreement.

50. Israel is committing all these atrocities

under the pretext of defending its security. What

kind of security is Israel referring to? Is it

the indefinable security that was the pretext for

bombing the Iraqi nuclear research centre,

hundreds of miles away and across the territory

of two sovereign countries at a time when the

Israeli nuclear reactor in Daymona operates

outside the obligations contained in the Treaty

on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and

outside the monitoring and safe¬guards of IAEA?

Is it the security that was the pretext for

annexing Arab Jerusalem and declaring it the

eternal capital of Israel over the objection of

the world and against the resolutions of the

General Assembly and of the Security Council? Is

it the security that was the pretext for

occupying and then annexing the Syrian Golan

Heights, the strategic heights that overlook

Damascus? Is it the security that was the pretext

for the perpetual occupation of the West Bank and

for the planting of fortified settlements and

armed settlers in the midst of hundreds of

thou¬sands of unarmed Palestinian villagers? Is

it the secu¬rity that was the pretext for

storming through southern Lebanon, destroying its

towns and villages, besieging Beirut and

interring in Lebanon's internal affairs after

violating its sovereignty and destroying its

national unity? Is it, in the final analysis, the

security that was the pretext for exterminating

thousands of unarmed Palestinians, women, old

peo¬ple and children, because more than 30 years

of homelessness and oppression had not silenced

their demands for the fulfilment of their

legitimate rights?

51. What security and secure boundaries does

Israel want? Is it the kind of security that does

not recognize the right of others to security or

the kind where bound¬aries are continuously

shifting and expanding? Is it not painfully

puzzling that some of us still argue that peace

in the Middle East will not obtain unless

Israel's security is guaranteed? To whom are the

security guarantees more vital: to Israel, that

spreads its troops and modem war machine all over

the region; or to Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, the

other Arab coun¬tries and the homeless

Palestinian people, victims of daily Israeli

aggression?

52. We have opted and we shall continue to

opt for peace, peace that is based on justice and

not peace imposed by guns. The Twelfth Arab

Summit Confer¬ence at Fez clearly reflected this

strong commitment to just and lasting peace in

the Middle East, peace that will guarantee the

security of all States in the region and the

achievement of the inalienable rights of the

Palestinian people, including their right to

self-determination and to the establishment of

their State on their land. That peace will not be

achieved unless the Palestinians, represented by

the PLO, their sole legitimate representative,

participate in negotiating that peace.

53. It is now abundantly clear to the

Assembly, which represents the conscience of the

international community, that a just and lasting

peace in the Middle East cannot be achieved

without a just and lasting solution to the

Palestinian question, which remains the core of

the Middle East conflict. This solution must

guarantee the achievement of the inalienable

rights of the Palestinian people, including their

right to self-determination, sovereignty and

independence and to the establishment of their

independent State on their land. This will not be

achieved without ensuring Israeli compliance with

the resolutions of the Security Council and the

General Assembly calling for the total and

unconditional withdrawal of Israel from all Arab

territories occupied since 1967, including Arab

Jerusalem, and for the realization of the

legitimate rights of the Palestinian people.

54. At the Fez Conference the Arabs were

unani¬mous concerning peace based on justice, and

con¬firmed their genuine desire for it. In our

view, the Fez decision has created, for the first

time in the history of this issue, a favorable

climate for all parties con¬cerned to bring about

a just settlement of the conflict in the Middle

East, especially bearing in mind the new,

positive development in the American attitude.

This is reflected in President Reagan's

initiative and his expressed desire for a

peaceful settlement that will end the tragic

suffering in the Middle East.

55. We welcome all the efforts now being

exerted to ensure a just settlement of the Middle

East prob¬lem and hope that those efforts and

endeavors will not be nullified by the

intransigence of the Israeli Government.

56. In surveying the present international

situation, we clearly note the gap between the

prevailing situa¬tion in international relations

and that situation which the peoples of the world

aspire to in regard to the realization of

international peace and security. The problems we

are facing are becoming more complicated and

hotbeds of tension and conflict throughout the

world continue to pose serious threats to

international peace and security.

57. The Sudan is following with increasing

concern the Iran-Iraqi war, which has been going

on for more than two years now despite all

efforts to stop it. From this rostrum, we commend

the Iraqi initiatives and efforts, made within

and outside the United Nations, to stop the

suffering of the peoples of those two Moslem

countries. We call on Iran to respond positively

to those efforts so that Moslem resources and

wealth can be utilized for the good of the Moslem

nation.

58. The Sudan firmly believes in the

principles of respect for the sovereignty and

independence of all countries and peoples, the

illegality of intervention in all its forms in

internal affairs, the inadmissibility of the use

or threat of use of force in international

relations and the necessity of halting all forms

of aggression and pressure—covert or overt—that

threaten the sovereignty and political

independence of other countries.

59. That is why we view with anxiety the

presence of foreign troops in Afghanistan and

Kampuchea. We reiterate our call for the

withdrawal of all foreign troops so that the

peoples of those two countries can exercise their

inalienable right to decide on the politi¬cal,

social and economic systems they deem fit for

their countries, without foreign intervention or

domi¬nation.

60. We also hope that efforts to arrive at a

just and peaceful solution to the questions of

Korea and Cyprus will meet with success and bring

peace, stability, development and national unity,

which are the aspirations of the peoples of those

countries.

61. The Sudan is following with great concern

and attention the developments of the political

situation in South Africa. In this regard, it is

about time for the racist clique in Pretoria to

learn that neither peripheral nor cosmetic

changes can remedy that abhorrent situation. What

is needed is radical and far-reaching change that

will abolish the apartheid system and establish a

just and democratic society, where the majority

enjoy their freedom as well as their inalien¬able

sovereign rights. It is our conviction that, no

matter how long it takes, that goal will be

achieved through the ongoing heroic struggle of

the national resistance movement in South Africa.

62. One cannot venture to address the

problems in southern Africa without addressing

the question of Namibia, which the international

community had expected would take its rightful

place in this body.

It is time for the international community to put

an end to the delay in the settlement of the

Namibian issue. It is our understanding that the

latest round of negotiations has achieved some

positive results, which we hope will lead to the

adoption of accelerated measures in implementing

the peaceful plan for the independence of Namibia

in accordance with Security Council resolution

435 (1978).

63. We in the Sudan hail the heroic role of

the South West Africa People's Organization

[SWAPO] and its capable handling of the arduous

negotiations despite the maneuvers employed by

South Africa in that process. We also commend the

role of the front¬line African States and the

wisdom, co-operation and flexibility they

exhibited in the course of those negotiations.

Moreover, we appreciate the role played by the

Western contact group in the initial efforts,

which helped make possible the adoption of

resolu¬tion 435 (1978). However, now more than

ever before, we urge the contact group, to do its

utmost to exert the necessary influence on South

Africa so that it will meet its commitment as

stipulated in the plan within the framework of a

declared timetable, before we lose this valuable

opportunity, which may be the last. It is also

imperative that such a move ultimately lead to

the peaceful termination of the illegal

occupation of Namibia by South Africa and allow

the people of Namibia to exercise their

legitimate right to self- determination.

64. In view of its commitment to the cause of

African liberation in general and the

independence of Namibia in particular, as well as

its uncompromising belief in the effective role

which the United Nations must play in settling

the Namibian problem, the Sudan has agreed in

principle to participate in the United Nations

peace-keeping force envisaged for the

transitional period of the implementation of the

independence plan for Namibia. This was

originally stated by President Jaafar Mohamed al

Nemery, at the thirty- third session of the

General Assembly meeting, in his capacity as

Chairman of the Assembly of Heads of State and

Government of the Organization of African Unity

in 1978. We should like once again to confirm

from this rostrum the fact that we agree to

participate in the United Nations peace¬keeping

force for Namibia. That participation is, indeed,

in pursuance of our African obligations to render

moral and material support to SWAPO and to the

people of Namibia to enable them to manage their

own affairs after independence.

65. Despite the aspirations that led the

international community to convene the second

special session devoted to disarmament, last

June, that session failed to meet those

aspirations to even the minimum degree.

66. However, the failure of that session

should not preclude us from stressing the

importance of the comprehensive programme of

disarmament, which would determine the specific

measures of disarmament which should be

implemented within a defined time¬frame, as well

as other measures to prepare the way for future

negotiations leading towards general and complete

disarmament. Priority in disarmament negotiations

should be given to nuclear weapons, and then

other weapons of mass destruction, including

chemical weapons and any others which may be

deemed to be excessively injurious or o have

indiscriminate effects.

67. The Sudan firmly believes that the

establish¬ment of nuclear-weapon-free zones on

the basis of agreements or arrangements freely

reached among the States of the zones concerned

constitutes an important disarmament measure. In

that conviction, the Sudan has consistently

supported the efforts of the Organiza¬tion to

transform the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace,

free from the arms race and foreign military

presence manifested in the form of military bases

and installation, nuclear weapons and other

weapons of mass destruction, and any

manifestation of great- Power rivalry.

68. To that end the Sudan will spare no

effort, in sincere co-operation with the States

of the region, to crystallize the concept of

'.the Red Sea as a lake of peace free from

big-Power military strategic rivalry.

71. Faithful to the decisions of the OAU, the

Sudan also consistently stresses the necessity to

transform the African continent into a

nuclear-weapon-free zone and eliminate all forms

of foreign influence and intervention therein.

72. The economic reports issued recently by

Govern¬ments and various bodies of the United

Nations system all indicate that the present

international economic crisis is the most serious

crisis since the 1930s. This evaluation is made

more disturbing by all the economic indicators in

developed countries. Unemployment has broken all

the records of the past 50 years. Growth rates

are becoming slower than ever and inflation is

not yet under control. Trade restrictions and

barriers threaten the world with new trade wars

that would complete the similarity between the

current crisis and that of the 1930s.

73. The most dangerous aspect of the present

crisis is its devastating impact on the economies

of the developing countries, particularly the

least developed and the African countries, and

its negative impact on international economic

co-operation, which is characterized at present

by a diminished commitment to multilateralism and

a decline in official develop¬ment assistance,

which is essential to the development efforts of

he least developed countries. The financial

crisis in UNDP and the difficulties connected

with the sixth replenishment of the International

Develop¬ment Association and other international

development institutions are clear proofs of this

dangerous trend.

74. The Sudan and the other least developed

coun¬tries are the hardest hit by the

international economic crisis, and the least

capable of cushioning the recur¬rent

international economic shocks. Despite this

unfavorable international economic climate, the

Sudan is endeavoring to overcome its economic

problems with a two-pronged approach. The first

is self-reliance and the mobilization and

involvement of its citizens and regions in the

process of development. The second is the

utilization of bilateral, regional and

international economic co-operation for its

benefit and that of its partners.

75. The most outstanding achievement

internally is the implementation of the new

regional government system in the Sudan, a

country with a territory of 1 million square

miles, which must broaden the political and

economic participation and involvement of all

parts of the country. Under this system, the

Sudan is divided into six regions, each with a

parliament, a cabinet and a governor, enjoying

wide powers, especially in economic and social

development and the provision of various

services. It is our hope that the application of

this system will accelerate regional development,

consolidate the principle of self-reliance and

facilitate the fair distribution of the fruits of

economic and social development throughout the

country.

76. In spite of our own efforts and

self-reliance, we have to admit that the present

stage in the prevail¬ing international economic

situation necessitates increasing support from

the international community for our development

efforts, particularly through increasing official

development assistance, bilaterally and

multilateral, and technical co-operation through

UNDP and other United Nations agencies.

77. True to its racial, cultural and

historical identity, the Sudan, which belongs to

the Arab African region, has worked actively for

Afro-Arab solidarity and the strengthening of the

machinery and economic and political institutions

that serve that end. In Africa the Sudan

consistently calls for adherence to the policy of

good-neighborliness, the non-use of force and the

peaceful settlement of disputes through political

solutions, because these are the lasting

solutions. We do this in the conviction that such

a policy will bring Africa peace, stability and

progress. Only in that way can Africa channel all

its abilities towards develop¬ment and

construction, rather than waste them in disputes

and conflicts. Africa is in great need of the

tractor and other means of construction rather

than the cannon and other means of destruction.

78. Matching words with deeds, the Sudan

works seriously for the strengthening of

relations with neighbouring countries. Bilateral

and tripartite ministerial committees have been

established with many of those countries, with a

view to consolidating and strengthening those

relations, ensuring respect for the independence

and security of those countries, the well-being

of their peoples and the enhancement of their

socio-economic development.

79. As a result of that conviction, and with

the aim of achieving such objectives, a charter

of integration between Egypt and the Sudan has

been drafted and will be signed in the next few

days. This charter represents the organizational

framework for steering the development process in

the two countries through the implementation of a

number of projects of eco¬nomic, social and

cultural integration. By establishing such an

interaction, the Sudan and Egypt are attempting

to create an example of regional co-oper¬ation.

The charter of integration between the Sudan and

Egypt constitutes a serious step towards the

achievement of regional co-operation and

integration in Africa, in accordance with the

Lagos Plan of Action adopted by the OAU Assembly

of Heads of State and Government in April 1980.2

80. The OAU was created as an embodiment of

African wisdom inspire by a heritage deeply

rooted in historyand as a manifestation of

Africa's ability to overcome all the obstacles in

its path. Since its inception in 1963 the

organization has upheld the same lofty and noble,

principles and objectives as the United Nations.

As envisaged by its founding fathers, the OAU has

come to be regarded as a tributary of this

international Organization whose aim it is to

strengthen and uphold the same ideals and

principles. Throughout the years the OAU has

proved to be resilient in the face of the

afflictions and crises it has faced, and it has

proved stronger than the problems imposed upon

it. It has also resisted attempts to weaken it or

disrupt its unity or to hinder the achieve¬ment

of its objectives. The OAU has continued to be

the embodiment of the conviction of all African

peoples that solving African problems is the

respon-sibility of the Africans themselves and

should be faced with African wisdom and

determination and dealt with through the

institutions and machinery devised at sessions of

the OAU Assembly for the settlement of these

problems. We trust that, despite the crises it

faces today, that organization will be able to

contain the differences confronting it. Faithful

to the objec¬tives and principles of the OAU, the

Sudan and its African brothers will spare no

effort to enable the organization to overcome

those differences and to attain the objectives

for which it has been created.

81. Unlike other least developed countries,

the Sudan suffers not only from the impact of the

international economic crisis but also from a

continuous influx of refugees, which adds an

additional burden that drains resources and

efforts already earmarked for financial, economic

and social development. The refugees registered

by the United Nations in the Sudan total more

than a half million, although the number actually

entering the country across the borders with its

eight neighbors far exceeds that. In spite of

this heavy burden and its disruptive

consequences, the Sudan has succeeded in

developing a unique experiment in the field of

receiving and caring for refugees. Our experience

in rehabilitating refugees, in an exemplary

manner commended by the international community,

has enriched the experience of the Sudanese

authorities concerned and created an able cadre

in that Held. As a result, the problem of the

refugees in the Sudan has gone from the stage of

immediate relief to a system of planning for the

relocation of refugees in well-prepared

accommodations, together with basic educational

and health services and employment opportunities,

which allow the refugees to become independent.

82. To implement these projects, the Sudan

made considerable efforts to mobilize resources

from Governments, international organizations and

volun¬tary agencies. In this context, in June

1980 the Sudan organized the International

Conference on Refugees, in Khartoum, and declared

1980 the Year of Refugees in the Sudan. In

continuation of those efforts an inter¬national

seminar was held in Khartoum on 11 Sep¬tember of

this year. Participants in that seminar included

international experts in the field of refugee

problems as well as representatives of the

refugees themselves. The seminar discussed a

number of issues, the most important being the

integration of the refugee projects into local

and national develop¬ment plans. The Sudan has

always pursued positive policies on refugee

questions, for humane and ethical reasons, and

also in compliance with regional and

international instruments—to which the Sudan is a

party and which it has incorporated in its

Constitu¬tion—as well as practices, providing for

such rights.

83. The Sudan welcomed the convening of the

International Conference on Assistance to

Refugees in Africa, held at Geneva in April 1981,

and commended its outcome as a step in the right

direction to be followed by other international

measures commensurate with the needs of those

refugees, taking into account their continuous

influx and the negative impact on the host

countries and peoples.

84. My delegation would like to reiterate the impor¬tance of holding

a follow-up conference in 1983 to evaluate the

progress achieved in the implementation of the

recommendations and decisions of the first

Conference, to consider ways and means of

over¬coming the difficulties and problems

hindering the implementation of some of the

recommendations and decisions of that Conference

and to urge the inter¬national community to

honour its commitments to African refugees and

African host countries.

85. At the thirty-sixth session I con¬cluded

my statement to the Assembly by reaffirming the

Sudan's unequivocal belief in the role of the

United Nations, particularly with respect to the

maintenance of international peace and security.

Today I shall conclude by reiterating our call

for the con¬solidation and strengthening of the

United Nations, especially the Security Council,

so that the Organi¬zation can fulfill its basic

role in the maintenance of peace. The

Secretary-General's report on the work of the

Organization has courageously and frankly

reflected the concerns of the majority of the

Member States about what has become of the

Organization and of its role in the maintenance

of international peace and security. We hope that

the Secretary- General's ideas and proposals will

be seriously considered by all Member States, and

particularly by the Security Council—perhaps at a

high-level meeting, as the Secretary-General has

proposed. In this regard it suffices to submit

the following observations.

86. First, we agree with the

Secretary-General that the establishment of the

collective security system provided for in the

Charter is the only way for the United Nations to

carry out its basic task. Reinforcing the

collective security system would protect the

small and weak nations and save the vast

resources now wasted on armaments in a world that

respects only force.

87. Secondly, the reluctance of some States

to resort to the Security Council for the

settlement of disputes or the maintenance of

peace or to do so only when it is too late,

defeats the main objective behind its creation.

It is worth mentioning here that adjudication by

the Council must be coupled with an absolute

commitment on the part of Council members,

especially ifs permanent members, which have a

special responsibility in this respect, just as

they have special rights, to fulfill their

responsibility.

88. Thirdly, the Security Council must

consider appropriate ways of making Member States

observe and respect its decisions. The Council

will have to be ready to deal with those States

which violate its decisions.

89. Fourthly, the role played by the United

Nations peace-keeping forces cannot be separated

from the efficacy of the Council in exercising

its authority and using its prestige and in

ensuring that its resolutions will be

implemented. Peace-keeping forces, as we all

know, are a moral rather than a military

deterrent. We believe that the

Secretary-General's proposal for strengthening

peace-keeping operations through collective

guarantees is a matter which deserves serious

study.

90. In conclusion, the commitment of Member

States to the Charter and its objectives is the

only guarantee of its effectiveness in

maintaining international peace and security and

ensuring prosperity for all the peoples of the

world.