Sudan, 1994

I salute Ambassador Essy and warmly congratulate him on

his unanimous election to the presidency of the General

Assembly at this session. I express our happiness and that

of the sons of Africa on his assumption of that important

post. It is our hope that during his term of office Africa

and the whole of the international community will achieve

the development and the consolidation of peace and security

to which our peoples aspire.

I wish also to convey our compliments to Mr. Samuel

Insanally of Guyana on his exemplary and able leadership

during his presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-

eighth session.

I should also like to salute the Secretary-General for

his tireless effort as leader of the Organization; we wish

him all success.

On this occasion it is my pleasure to welcome the

return of the sister Republic of South Africa to the

international community as a democratic country, that is

now free from apartheid and that is governed by its own

national will, to participate effectively in the development

of Africa and of the world at large. In welcoming South

Africa, I reiterate our continued support for its people, just

as we were devoted to their cause during the struggle for

the eradication of apartheid.

Indeed, it is the destiny of people committed to the

defence of their freedom to have their will tested. That is

exactly the fate of the people of Sudan which, since the

National Salvation Revolution came to power has decided

to have an independent voice in all regional and

international forums on all issues and in all fields, inspired

by its principles based on its cultural heritage and its

regional and international affiliations.

I have the honour of briefing the Assembly on a

number of the accomplishments my Government has

achieved despite the obstacles it has faced owing to its

adherence to the cultural choice of the Sudanese people.

The Government of the National Salvation Revolution

inherited armed discord in the South, with all its

consequences. From the start, it accorded the highest

priority to the achievement of a peaceful, negotiated, just

and lasting settlement. It is the conviction of my

Government that only a permanent solution will be

acceptable to the people. During its five years in power,

the Government has engaged in a number of peace talks

with the rebel movement. These have taken place

successively in Addis Ababa, Nairobi and twice in Abuja;

recently there have been four rounds of talks in Nairobi.

The talks have taken place with the help of neighbours

and brethren who share our belief that it is the sons of

Africa who can find suitable solutions to Africa’s

problems. The Government, with earnest determination

to ensure the success of the peace talks, proposed a new

mechanism to expedite the peace process. This calls for

the dispatch of personal envoys of the Presidents of the

mediating countries to engage in shuttle diplomacy

between the Government and the rebel movement.

My Government, which is anxious to reach a just

and lasting solution, not only entered into negotiations,

but has also adopted the federal system of government

that had long been called for by the southern Sudanese.

It implemented the formula of power sharing and the

sharing of wealth in the framework of Federalism. As

regards the relationship between religion and State, the

Government proposed a formula that would enable the

majority to choose whatever suits its cultural heritage,

without infringement on the rights of the rest of the

population, ultimately bearing in mind the need to respect

every citizen’s equal rights and the cultural diversity that

characterizes the Sudan and of which we are so proud.

That is why the southern Sudan, where the majority is

non-Muslim, has been exempted from the application of

Islamic law.

Given its conviction that those who joined the ranks

of the rebellion and those who happen to live in the

rebel-held areas are Sudanese citizens who deserve, and

are entitled to enjoy fully all their rights, the Government

signed the Operation Life-Line Sudan III Agreement to

ensure the delivery of food and medicines to whoever was

in need. Officials of the United Nations were candid and

sincere when they described Operation Life-Line Sudan

as unprecedented world wide. The allegation that the root

32

causes of the war in southern Sudan are religious or ethnic

is refuted by the fact that the majority of displaced persons

moved northwards and to the national capital, while only a

few migrated out of the country.

Citizens of the south who had suffered the ravages of

the lengthy war in the south took the initiative of convening

the Juba Conference in May 1994. That Conference was

also attended by a number of foreign Ambassadors

accredited to the Sudan. Those who represented the south

at that Conference reiterated the unity of the country and

categorically rejected the isolated agenda of the rebels

which aims at fragmenting the country.

Nations manifest wisdom when, in quest of national

identity and in search for an effective system of

Government that best suits their special conditions and

historical background, they draw inspiration from their own

heritage. Our people have found this in the application of

the shura, or consultation, as a system of Government to

ensure the universality of opinions free from the tribal and

sectorial fanaticism that causes disunity amongst the sons

of the nation. This principle is exercised without a

tyrannical authority that deprives them of their will. The

shura is the overall vessel for political, developmental and

social endeavour. To put the shura into practice, the

Permanent Electoral Commission was founded in

conformity with the electoral law enacted by the

Transitional National Assembly, which is composed of

neutral personalities of professional integrity. Voter

registration was introduced to ensure an atmosphere

conducive to fair and genuine elections that are scheduled

to take place early next year, after the full participation of

all the people is secured.

To enable all strata of the population to participate

effectively in administering and organizing themselves,

developing their resources and enjoying all their rights, the

central power made way for 26 State Governments within

the framework of the federal system. This minimization of

the administrative authority was aimed at achieving the

advancement and welfare of the country through the

development of its States.

Our belief that almighty Allah elevated the human race

above all other species is our guiding principle in the area

of human rights. My Government has translated that belief

into action in all areas. In order to ensure the effective

enjoyment by all citizens of their human rights, the

Government established the Supreme Council for Human

Rights and bestowed upon it full constitutional liberty. It

secured the freedom of the judiciary and protected it against

interference by the political authority. The justice system

was reformed to guarantee freedom of litigation, equity

and rule of law.

The Government of the National Salvation

Revolution strengthened the role of women in the Sudan

and upheld all their rights. It enabled women to occupy

high constitutional, judicial, political and economic posts,

while also upholding their social rights. Today, women

represent 50 per cent of the labour force in Government

offices, where they perform very ably. Statistics of the

Ministry of Education revealed that 60 per cent of the

students enrolled in universities and institutions of higher

education are female.

The best example of the confidence of the

Government in its performance in the area of human

rights is the fact that it opened its doors wide for

representatives of European Parliaments, including the

British House of Commons and House of Lords, the

Italian Parliament, and the United States Congress. In

addition, human rights organizations, religious

associations and other dignitaries have visited the country,

especially those areas where abuses of human rights were

alleged to have taken place.

As a manifestation of our tolerance, our country is

currently hosting the Inter-Religion Dialogue Conference,

in which Muslim and Christian scholars from different

parts of the world are participating. This Conference is

aimed at the enhancement of tolerance and peaceful

coexistence between religions in any one geographical

area. The purpose is also to prove that religion is not, as

alleged by others, mere fanaticism. The Conference is

based on the mutual conviction that ethics and morals are

the best guides for individuals and peoples. In this

regard, I would like to point out that the present

Conference is the sequel of a previous one that was

convened in Sudan two years ago, after which inter-

religion dialogue continued inside and outside the Sudan.

After this brief account, the Assembly may agree

with me that reports of violations of human rights in the

Sudan are nothing but malicious applications of political

pressure to deter the Sudan from exercising its freedom

to make its own decision and holding on to its cultural

options. I need not state that those who continue to level

baseless accusations against Sudan have not produced any

evidence whatsoever to support their allegations. This, as

I said earlier, seems to be the lot of all nations that

choose their own way.

33

Those who make unfounded allegations that Sudan

harbours terrorism have not produced a single shred of

evidence to prove it. They never expected that Sudan

would prove its innocence by capturing the most dangerous

and most wanted terrorist in history: Carlos, the Jackal.

Guided by standards of conduct that condemn violence and

bloodshed, and in accordance with its adherence to

international conventions and ethical ideals, Sudan arrested

that terrorist. By virtue of our doctrine of transparency and

openness, the doors of our country will remain wide open

for whoever wishes to see for himself that no terrorism is

harboured in the Sudan.

The rebel movement, which was hatched outside

Sudan, has kept changing its skin, with different

programmes and ideologies, in order to gain support.

Unfortunately, up to now the rebellion has received moral,

material and military support from those who do not want

the Sudan to enjoy its freedom of decision. The rebellion

thus became a pliant tool in the futile attempts to subjugate

the Sudan. The rebel leaders made themselves warlords,

indifferent to the plight of their own people and the blood

they continue to shed. Before the eyes of international

community, the rebels commit the worst and atrocious

kinds of violation of human rights: attacking and

commandeering relief barges and trains, killing relief

workers, looting villages and abducting men and children.

Leaders of the rebellion are now launching a repugnant

liquidation of their opponents in the ranks of the rebel

movement. As proof of its defeat, very large numbers of

returnees from the rebel movement came back home,

convinced that it lacked a proper objective and that it had

fallen prey to the influence of foreign powers.

The crime of our time was that which was committed

in the Kakuma Refugee Camp in Northern Kenya, which

accommodates children who are Sudanese refugees. The

Garang faction kidnapped 5,000 children at gunpoint to join

their ranks, undeterred by conscience or respect for the

international covenants that govern the status of refugees

and provide for their protection. To our surprise, this crime

was met with indifference from the international

community, which did nothing to ensure the return of those

children to their families. From this rostrum we call upon

all international agencies, the Secretary-General of the

United Nations, the Office of the United Nations High

Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the United Nations

Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and the International Committee

of the Red Cross to condemn this crime in the strongest

possible terms and to work effectively and decisively to put

an end to the plight of those children and to work to reunite

them with their families in the Sudan as soon as is

practicable.

The relationship of the Sudan with the United

Nations has continued to exist on a basis of constructive

cooperation. Within the scope of such cooperation,

productive developmental schemes and child-care projects

have been set up, in addition to the humanitarian

operations under the auspices of the Department of

Humanitarian Affairs and the appointment of a special

envoy who played an effective role in coordinating

humanitarian efforts. The United Nations also

successfully raised from the donor community resources

equivalent to 60 per cent of the required finances of

Operation Life Line for 1994.

While we recall such positive achievements, we must

also refer to certain negative aspects that accompanied

that cooperation. In the field of relief distribution under

Operation Life Line, statistics have confirmed that the

greater portion of relief is directed to the rebel-held areas,

which represent less than 10 per cent of the area of

Southern Sudan, a situation which must be rectified.

Also, while we appreciate the valuable role of

non-governmental organizations working in the

humanitarian field, it is relevant to underline the negative

activities of some of them, which go so far as to violate

the national sovereignty of Sudan, and provide support to

the rebels, thus prolonging the war and adding to the

suffering and distress of our people.

As we look forward to the forthcoming celebrations

of the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations, we must

recall that its inception was a product of a human

awakening, following two destructive world wars that

caused devastation to mankind and the environment, and

crippled the progress of humanity. At a time when the

use of military power was the sole means to expand

political and economic influence, the establishment of the

Organization represented a hope for humanity to

overcome its destructive tendencies, which were spurred

by the possession of nuclear weapons and weapons of

mass destruction, and to strive for the horizons of peace

and development.

It was saddening that the human awakening which

culminated in the inception of the Organization was

followed by a Cold War that continued until the 1990s.

As a result, huge resources were drained away instead of

being invested in the areas of peace and development. It

is also saddening that the mentality of the Cold War still

prevails in what is conceived as a clash of civilizations.

34

It has been wrongly believed that the disappearance of one

enemy must be followed by the creation of a new one in an

attempt to keep the cycle of war and conflict going. While

the world witnesses the emergence of new States and the

decline of apartheid, some are still trapped in that erroneous

conception, which has given rise to various regional

tensions, such as those in Bosnia and Herzegovina and

Rwanda. Racial discrimination and xenophobia have

increased in a number of western countries; the exodus of

refugees and the flow of displaced persons continues.

In the economic arena, and despite the world’s drive

towards a free-market economy we have nevertheless

witnessed a deterioration in economic and social

infrastructures, especially in the developing countries. This

deterioration is a direct result of the unfair practices and

criteria that still plague international economic relations.

Contributions by wealthier States and international financial

institutions to assist developing countries have severely

decreased; selective non-economic conditions are often

imposed in dealing with the developing countries.

Moreover, economic performance is no longer the criterion

that is taken into account. Political considerations have

become the sole basis of cooperation with the lending

States and institutions.

The problems of indebtedness and debt servicing

continue to represent a huge burden on debtor States and in

particular, the least developed countries. The debt problem

remains unresolved because the creditors insist on imposing

conditions that related more to the political stances of the

debtor States and therefore, selectivity was resorted to in

resolving the debt problem. We call upon this august body

to adopt the resolutions and recommendations of the Non-

Aligned Movement Ministerial Meeting held last August in

Jakarta, Indonesia, on resolving the debt problems of

developing countries. The partial remission of debts is the

appropriate starting point to resolve the debt problem,

instead of the re-scheduling process, which has already

contributed to multiplying the amount of debt service in

excess of the principal.

The objective of establishing regional economic

groupings is to contribute to the creation of a free flow of

trade, investments and technology across national borders

and the integrated trading groups. The scale of

development in all countries, especially the developing

countries, must be stepped up and the politics of

protectionism practised by the major Powers vis-à-vis

developing countries for political reasons must end.

When we celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the

United Nations, we hope that the Organization will attain

tangible achievements in eliminating the political,

economic, social and humanitarian distortions that

influence the international arena. Such achievements can

be attained only by translating the principles and

objectives of the Charter into real terms that reflect the

values of justice, equality, and full participation by all

Member States in creating a better future.

In order to achieve such goals, the democratization

of the United Nations and all its organs must be

accomplished. According to the Charter, the General

Assembly has a role to play on an equal footing with the

Security Council in the maintenance of international peace

and security, as well as in supervising the performance of

other organs of the Organization.

Just as we fully support the call for increasing the

membership of the Security Council to ensure the

equitable representation of all geographic and political

groups in the Council, we also call for a reconsideration

of geographical representation by allowing Africa, Asia

and Latin America more opportunities to have permanent

seats on the Council. We also call for the complete

abolition of the veto power, as it contradicts all the

principles of democracy and maintains the hegemony of

the minority.

Furthermore, we note a lack of transparency in the

functioning of the Security Council, and believe that most

Member States are often unable to follow its work.

While we appreciate the efforts made to improve the

performance of the Council, its persistent practice of

holding intensive informal consultations marginalizes the

role of the majority of Member States in the maintenance

of international peace and security. Accordingly, rules of

procedure regulating the Council’s procedures must be

established to provide for a fair and objective guarantee

of the existence of the required transparency.

As regards the Council’s resolutions, it is regrettable

that the practice of double standards and selectivity, as

reflected in its resolutions and their implementation, has

greatly affected its credibility, a problem which we hope

will be resolved.

The Economic and Social Council, as a guardian of

economic and social rights should take more interest in

maintaining the right balance between political and

economic rights in its resolutions and decisions, which

have become more inclined towards political rights in

35

spite of the Vienna Declaration, which considered the right

to development a basic human right.

The peace process has already started in the Middle

East. In order for that process to reach the desired goals,

the peace that is hoped for in the regional should be based

on the pillars of justice and equality and the attainment by

the Palestinian people of all their rights and the withdrawal

from the territories occupied in 1967. The withdrawal from

the Syrian Golan Heights and southern Lebanon should be

carried out in full implementation of Security Council

Resolution 425 (1978). The withdrawal from Jerusalem

and all the other occupied Arab territories will remain

critical in determining the real Israeli intention to establish

a just and lasting peace.

The recent conflict in the sisterly state of Yemen

ended with the victory of constitutional legality, which

preserved the unity of Yemen; this incident should lead us

to stress the need to refrain from intervention in the internal

affairs of other States that might find themselves in similar

circumstances.

With regard to Somalia, which faces enormous hurdles

and internecine killings, we call upon all parties to heed the

voice of reason and to work together for the attainment of

a national reconciliation that would enable Somalia to

resume the role destined for it at the regional and

international levels.

We must also pause here to consider the suffering of

the Iraqi people, which is worsening as a result of the

embargo imposed on it even though it has been admitted

that Iraq has shown full cooperation in implementing the

relevant Security Council resolutions. We call for the

lifting of the sanctions imposed on Iraq as soon as possible

and we urge the members of the Security Council to renew

their consideration of this issue.

As regards the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, we are

surprised by the continuation of sanctions in spite of all the

practical proposals made by the Jamahiriya, through the

League of Arab states, in order to finalize its dispute with

some Western countries over the Lockerbie incident in a

reasonable manner. The aforementioned treatment of Libya

lacks any legal and humanitarian justification.

The Bosnian peoples’ tragedy continues to be a

shameful blot the face of humanity. Factors of religious

bias have greatly contributed to the creation and escalation

of the Bosnian tragedy.

As for the Security Council, it has pursued a clear

policy of double standards in the case of Bosnia and

Herzegovena. Not only did the Security Council reward

the aggressors by granting them territories they do not

own, but it has deprived the Bosnians of their legitimate

right to self-defence as enshrined in the United Nations

Charter, through an arms-embargo resolution. Bosnia and

Herzegovena did not declare an intention to acquire the

lands of others, but only wanted to defend itself and its

people against aggression.

As I conclude my statement, I should like to pose

questions which, I believe, that are relevant to our

preparations for celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of the

United Nations and the International Decade of Tolerance.

Are we prepared to abandon the unilateral approach to the

tackling of problems of international relations? Are we

ready to recognize now that this world accommodates us

as distinct and diverse peoples and civilizations coexisting

with one another?

It is our opinion that fostering regional and

international peace and security does not mean the

omission of the underlying causes of tension. Equally,

comprehensive development does not mean the

entrenchment of the unfair economic and technological

practices existing in today’s world. Furthermore,

democracy in our opinion does not mean the imposition

of the western model of democracy alone and omission of

other peoples’ practices and civilizations in the field of

governance and systems of government. Moreover,

universality of sovereignty does not mean disregard for

the national and geographic sovereignty of States. Also,

the universality of human rights, which enjoys our respect

and commitment, does not necessarily mean cancellation

of the religious beliefs of peoples and their moral values.

In brief, the principles and values adopted by any one

society are not necessarily or definitely fit for application

by all other societies. By applying such a unilateral

perspective, we will deprive civilization of the benefits of

diversity and from its productive legacy and we will as

such deprive peoples of their right to opt for the political

models and social conduct that are more compatible with

their aspirations. Otherwise, we would only compound a

new phase of undesired cultural conflicts and tensions.

Let us turn a new leaf in international relations that

would be founded on the rejection of conflict and

confrontation, based on the principles of mutual respect

and non-interference in the affairs of others, without

extremism, bias or radicalism.

36

In conclusion, let our deeds speak louder than our

words in building up the tolerance with which we prepare

to commence the international decade, and let us extend

this it to embrace all aspects of politics, thought,

economics, culture, and religion.