Republic of the Congo, 1993

Like previous speakers, I would like to seek your

indulgence before I start my statement as I associate my

delegation’s voice with those who have spoken here and

convey our very profound condolences to the delegation of

India and to the Indian people and Government for the

disastrous earthquake which has brought death to thousands.

It is a particular pleasure for me to extend to

Ambassador Insanally my sincere congratulations on his

well-deserved election to the presidency of the General

Assembly at its forty-eighth session. I am convinced that his

wealth of experience will guarantee the success of our work.

To his predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Stoyan Ganev of the

Republic of Bulgaria, we wish also to express our

appreciation for the way in which he performed his duties.

I would also like to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General,

Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his dynamism and for the

numerous initiatives he has taken in order to promote

international peace and cooperation. Finally, my delegation

welcomes the presence among us of new States, whose

admission to membership has strengthened the universality

of our Organization.

As we do every year, we have once again reached the

time when we assess the international situation.

The end of East-West confrontation, by reducing

already-existing tensions and by promoting the settlement of

certain conflicts, has engendered great hopes for peace and

cooperation. But at the same time, it has unleashed forces

that need to be channelled in order to avoid new excesses

which will lead to fresh tensions.

"An Agenda for Peace" - very aptly reminds us of the

existence of other serious issues threatening international

peace and security as well as the future of mankind, such as

poverty, the deterioration of the environment and the debt

crisis. These various evils are indeed scourges which,

because of the anguish and despair they generate, can

destabilize many societies. Nevertheless, laudable efforts are

increasingly being made to build a new world order based

not only on democracy and development but also on the

absolute need for respect for human rights.

Many countries have begun to democratize their

political and social systems. These changes are accompanied

40 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session

by difficulties and shocks, for democracy is a difficult lesson

to learn, requiring a lengthy apprenticeship that is made all

the more challenging by a fragile economic and social

context. The confusion of certain mentalities which are illprepared for change must be added to this, as well. Here,

patience, good will and even the assistance of the

international community are necessary if the worst is to be

avoided.

In the Congo, the democratic process has been

extremely bumpy. After the national conference which led

to a laborious period of transition, elections were organized,

as a result of which a Head of State, Mr. Pascal Lissouba,

was democratically elected by 61 per cent of the votes cast.

One might then have believed that the country was embarked

upon the right course, but, alas, 25 years of totalitarian

regimes took their toll. Dissensions within the new

parliamentary majority are about to give rise to a motion of

censure, which is to say the very least premature - scarcely

three weeks after the formation of the first Government.

After numerous vain attempts at reconciliation, the

President of the Republic was moved to dissolve the

National Assembly to allow the sovereign people to give the

country a clear-cut majority by which he could govern. This

constitutional prerogative was challenged by the opposition

parties, which further exacerbated the political crisis. The

express will of the President of the Republic to opt for

peaceful means, the mediation of the high command of the

Congolese armed forces, as well as the good offices of the

President of the Gabonese Republic, Mr. Omar Bongo, made

it possible for an agreement to be concluded on

3 December 1992. This agreement not only enshrines the

formation of a Government with a majority participation of

the opposition - more than 60 per cent - but also entrusts the

political parties with organizing elections to the legislature

on an equitable basis.

The first round of these elections was thus organized

last May without any major incidents and in the presence of

foreign observers, who did not fail to attest to the

correctness of the balloting procedures. The opposition,

which found itself in a minority as a result of that vote,

systematically challenged those results, demanding that the

vote be invalidated by the organ in charge of organizing the

balloting, whereas Congolese electoral law states that

electoral disputes are the purview of the Supreme Court,

which is the only competent jurisdiction pending the creation

of a Constitutional Council.

Because of certain subterfuges, clever sabotage,

delaying tactics and high-handed manoeuvres that ignored

the best interests of the nation, the Congolese opposition

deliberately infringed the institutional process which should

lead to democracy and development. After the memorable

national conference, no one would have imagined that the

Congolese would find themselves in the situation of refugees

in their own country. If the people’s right to civil

disobedience would appear to be a natural outcome of the

Constitution of our country, civil disobedience should not be

regarded as a synonym for destruction of the social and

economic fabric. Even if the conditions for such

disobedience had been present, the acquisition or the

large-scale distribution of arms and weapons of war can

hardly be understood, and even less their being used for the

purposes of mass destruction and blind terrorism.

Is it conceivable that, when the vote has not turned out

favourably, the streets, urban communities and innocent

people taken hostage become pawns which are used in

bargaining over political decisions? Plundering the property

of peaceful citizens - is this something which can validate

lost causes?

The acts of sabotage and systematic destruction

perpetrated by bands armed by the opposition last July

caused a massive loss of human life. To this we should add

considerable physical and material damages. Today,

3,000 families - in other words approximately 15,000

Congolese - are homeless and their sole refuge are

classrooms and student dormitories. Such a situation poses

a serious threat to the new school year which begins in a

few weeks.

Of course, the Government is making tremendous

efforts in order to meet the vital needs of the displaced

families and to reintegrate them into Congolese society.

But, unfortunately, in a Republic with a ramshackle

economy and which is financially bereft, it is impossible for

this challenge to be met. That is why the Government of

my country appeals to the international community in order

to obtain emergency aid to assist all those Congolese who

have been deprived of their property or who have been

physically harmed.

Despite this tragic situation, which might indeed have

elicited a rigid attitude from the authorities, the Republic’s

Government threw open the doors to negotiation. Thus,

once again through the mediation of President Bongo of

Gabon, an agreement - the so-called Libreville Agreement -

was signed in the presence of foreign observers on 4 August

last. This agreement, which confirmed the results of the first

round, calls for the resumption of the second round of

elections to the legislature initially boycotted by the

Forty-eighth session - 1 October l993 41

opposition. As for the electoral dispute, it is to be decided

by an international arbitral college which is made up as

follows: two judges appointed by the Organization of

African Unity, two judges appointed by the European

Economic Community, two judges appointed by the French

Government and one judge appointed by the Gabonese

Government.

The Government thus has every hope that following

upon this vote and the resolution of the electoral dispute, it

will be able to lay the definitive groundwork for a real rule

of law with the establishment of all constitutional organs.

This is the situation in the Congo today. I would like

to take this opportunity to thank all those countries and all

those agencies which have been kind enough to help the

Congolese people resolve a crisis which seriously threatens

peace in the country and which could erode national unity

and compromise the future of the democratic process itself.

The Congolese Government would like to reiterate here,

through me, its commitment to abide by the decision of the

arbitral college and the verdict of the ballot boxes.

The Congo is going through a very difficult stage. The

desperate state of its economy and its social fabric has led

the Government to undertake economic reforms. These

reforms have so far been unfortunately frustrated by political

and social instability. These reforms deal, inter alia, with

restructuring the State productive sector by the total or

partial withdrawal of the State, the financing of economic

recovery, the reorganization and renegotiation of the external

debt and finally the defrayment of the social costs of this

adjustment.

If they are to bear fruit, these efforts and the sacrifices

they will entail must be sustained by financial aid, otherwise

the Congo will remain mired in poverty and instability.

Far from being unique, the critical economic and social

situation in Congo is but one illustration of a crisis that

affects almost all African countries and many developing

countries. Thus, to the political factors involved we must

add major economic and social challenges. It is quite clear

that poverty threatens the cohesiveness of States and brings

about profound imbalances in the developing countries,

endangering the very foundation of human rights. But there

is one basic human right that continues to have pride of

place: the right to development. Despite the numerous steps

taken to date, the developing countries remain weighed down

by the heavy burden of debt, and the increasing cost of

servicing that debt is becoming unbearable for economies

which are already in great trouble.

My delegation believes that resolving the foreign-debt

crisis requires bold steps. Nevertheless, we are very much

aware of all those efforts which are contributing to the

settlement of that crisis. That is why we greatly appreciate

the expression of solidarity from the French Government,

which decided last year in Libreville partially to cancel the

debt of medium-income countries, including the Congo.

After many initiatives which proved ineffective, the

international community must finally give priority to growth

and development in the poor countries by building, on the

ruins of the former East-West order, a new order based on

more dynamic and more innovative North-South relations

that would promote attainment of the objectives of the

International Development Strategy enshrined in this body.

This Strategy should receive all the support necessary to

promote the creation of an international trade system that is

both open and non-discriminatory, with the successful

outcome of the negotiations of the Uruguay Round; to

encourage the conclusion of specific agreements to readjust

commodity prices; and, finally, to find lasting solutions to

the external-debt crisis.

It is acknowledged that improving the situation in

Africa necessarily involves economic reform. Nevertheless,

efforts undertaken nationally, subregionally and regionally

have unfortunately not enjoyed the international support

expected. The adoption of the New Agenda for the

Development of Africa in the 1990s signified the failure of

the United Nations Programme of Action for African

Economic Recovery and Development. Unfortunately, we

cannot but conclude that so far, this new development

programme has fallen far short of expectations.

That being the case, my delegation welcomes the

decision taken by the Japanese Government to convene, in

cooperation with the United Nations and the Global

Coalition for Africa, on 5 and 6 October next in Tokyo an

International Conference on African Development, and we

voice the hope that this Conference will lead to concrete

measures.

The economic crisis which besets our countries is

particularly damaging to young people. Juvenile

delinquency, illicit drug trafficking, drug abuse and AIDS

are all serious threats to our societies. It is essential that

they be given close attention. In this connection, more

solidarity should be displayed in order to eradicate these

scourges.

My delegation supports the conclusions reached by the

most recent session of the Economic and Social Council on

42 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session

efforts to combat malaria, dysentery and, particularly,

cholera. The United Nations system must attach a high

priority to Africa, taking into account the serious

consequences these scourges have for development

programmes.

There can be lasting economic and social development

only in a healthy environment. The results reached by the

Rio Conference, enshrined in Agenda 21, are extremely

heartening. They undoubtedly reflect a global consensus as

well as a political commitment at the highest level to

cooperation for the purposes of development and the

environment. But the key to their success resides in the

financial resources made available.

Today, more than ever before, the increase in natural

disasters is a matter of concern to us all. That is why my

delegation welcomes the Japanese Government’s offer to

host, in 1994, a World Conference on Natural Disaster

Reduction, which will deal with the various dangers these

disasters entail and identify the necessary guidelines under

which they can be taken into account by the United Nations

in its development projects.

Since we have boldly struck out on the path to building

a State of law, my Government supports the international

community’s action to promote and develop human rights.

That is why we welcome the results of the World

Conference on Human Rights, held last June in Vienna, and

reiterate our appeal to fund-raisers to help finance the

various action programmes which were drawn up in that

context.

The current session has started at a time when the

persistence of local conflicts and the resurgence of hotbeds

of tension are a daily concern of our Organization in its

mission to build and preserve peace. Nevertheless, although

we can welcome the favourable developments in certain

situations, it must be recognized that a large number of them

remain subjects of grave concern.

Among the former, we have the situation in South

Africa. A number of factors today indicate that the

abhorrent system of apartheid will inevitably be eradicated,

even if tensions are still rife and there are still scenes of

violence. The process of democratization in South Africa

can no longer be in question. The fact that 27 April 1994

has been fixed for the first multiracial elections is proof of

this. My delegation gives their due value to the efforts

which have been constantly made by the South African

Government to eradicate apartheid and to democratize the

country. Furthermore, we support the request for the lifting

of sanctions formulated by Nelson Mandela.

My Government believes that peace in Somalia can be

restored only if Security Council resolutions 751 (1992), 794

(1992) and 814 (1993) are implemented, resolutions which,

inter alia, call for the organization of a reconciliation

conference and a national-unity conference.

Turning to the question of Angola, we regret to note

that the refusal of UNITA to accept the result of the voting

and the free choice of a sovereign people has once again

plunged the country into hostilities, further complicating not

only the process of democratization that had been embarked

upon but also the peace negotiations which are currently

taking place under the aegis of the United Nations. My

delegation welcomes the adoption by the Security Council of

resolutions 851 (1993) and 864 (1993) and supports recent

initiatives by the King of Morocco, the President of Côte

d’Ivoire and the President of the African National Congress.

The agreement recently reached between the

Government of Rwanda and the Rwandese Patriotic Front

gives us reason to hope that an era of peace will come to

that country, contributing to the strengthening of the bases

of national unity. We hope that the Rwandese people, after

recovering peace and unity, will be able to get down to the

difficult task of rebuilding their country.

Regarding the cases of Liberia, Mozambique and

Western Sahara, in which my delegation fully and firmly

supports initiatives of the United Nations, we call upon the

parties to the conflicts to have recourse to negotiation, to

dialogue and to other peaceful means in order to restore

peace and security in that area.

The Washington Agreement of 13 September 1993

represents a decisive turning-point towards settlement of the

Palestinian problem, and it will contribute to an

improvement of the situation in the Middle East. The

signing of this agreement promises a new era of peace and

cooperation for the peoples of that region.

Nor can we fail to commend the very fortunate

outcome of the situation in Cambodia, where elections,

organized under the auspices of the United Nations, led to

the creation of a government of national unity.

Despite the involvement of the United Nations, the

situation in the former Yugoslavia has not basically changed.

My country supports all the initiatives taken by the United

Nations - in particular, those that encourage dialogue and

Forty-eighth session - 1 October l993 43

negotiation - with a view to ensuring the success of the talks

in Geneva.

As in the past, the process of the peaceful reunification

of the Korean peninsula enjoys the support of my delegation

and my Government.

It is very pleasing to note that considerable progress has

been made in the process of disarmament and the control of

armaments. Unfortunately, the danger of war has not yet

been eliminated, as there still exist a number of arsenals of

weapons of mass destruction - in particular, nuclear

weapons. For this reason my Government will continue to

appeal urgently for general and complete disarmament.

Peace and development are complementary. Each

depends on the other. Thus, the promotion of confidence

and security, which are the prerequisites for the achievement

of development targets, is becoming a new priority in Africa.

Aware of this, the members of the Economic Community of

Central African States, with the assistance of the United

Nations, are now addressing themselves to progressive

implementation of the work programme of the Standing

Advisory Committee on Security Questions in Central

Africa, which was adopted by the General Assembly last

year. That Committee, which adopted a draft non-aggression

pact following its third meeting, held in Libreville, will hold

its fourth meeting in Brazzaville in the Republic of Congo.

This indicates the political commitment of the States of

Central Africa to the creation of a system of collective

security through the promotion of confidence, security and

development. These actions of the States of Central Africa

must be seen as part and parcel of the machinery for the

prevention, management and settlement of conflicts that was

set up at the most recent Summit of Heads of State and

Government of the Organization of African Unity (OAU),

which was held in Cairo in June of this year. The

international community - particularly the United Nations -

should give these initiatives the support that is necessary if

their noble objectives are to be accomplished.

In recent years the United Nations has been working

very positively on a number of fronts. Its efforts have lent

it undoubted authority, especially in the settlement of

conflicts and in the shaping of the new order, which

mankind hopes will be more democratic and will generate

prosperity for all. Nevertheless, there is now a pressing

need to restructure the United Nations. This is especially

true with regard to the question of enlargement of the

Security Council and an increase in the number of its

permanent members. Such a reform would tend to increase

the effectiveness of that vital body, which is responsible for

the maintenance of international peace and security. This is

one of the fundamental aspects of the necessary process of

democratizing international relations.

The Government of the Republic of Congo attaches

major importance to strengthening the role of the United

Nations, as well as to increasing respect for the principles of

the Charter, which is a sine qua non for the advent of a new

order based on justice for all, peace, prosperity and

international solidarity.