General Debate, session 47

Republic of the Congo, 1992

Speaker
Mr. BOUNKOULOU
Session
47th, 1992
Member state
Republic of the Congo
Length
2,841 words

Statement as recorded

It is with a

full awareness of the significant turning point reached by the world and the

United Nations that the delegation of the Republic of Congo is approaching the

work of this forty-seventh session of the General Assembly over which

Mr. Ganev has the honour and privilege of presiding. On my own and my

delegation's behalf, I should like to congratulate him on his unanimous

election to the presidency. The General Assembly's choice reflects the high

esteem and prestige which his country, Bulgaria, enjoys on the international

scene. It is equally a tribute to his experience and personal qualities.

I also wish once again to offer our profound gratitude to his

predecessor. Ambassador Samir Shihabi of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, who

skilfully guided the forty-sixth session.

My delegation would like to ensure Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, the

Secretary-General of the United Nations, of its full cooperation.

Lastly, I wish to extend a warm welcome to the new Members, whose

admission further strengthens the universality of the United Nations. I am

pleased to say that the delegation of the Republic of the Congo will be happy

to work with them during the forty-seventh session and in the future.

The cold war has run its course. Upon the ruins of more than 40 years of

extreme tension. States and the United Nations system are striving to organize

on this planet a new, more democratic and more humane order. Under the

impetus of world developments, which have galvanized the spirit of reform

everywhere, the United Nations as an institution is undergoing a process of

change. It has accordingly undertaken major initiatives in the realm of

cooperation for development and in the realm of peace-keeping operations and

the restoration of peace.

What new ideas are emerging? What are their chances of success? What

risks are posed to human rights and democracy by the challenges of growing

poverty, third-world debt, the AIDS pandemic, drugs, and ethnic and religious

hatreds, and by ecological disasters or those that, as we approach the end of

the century, result from the world population explosion?

As has been stated, the meeting held by the Security Council on

31 January 1992 was the first it had ever held at the level of Heads of State

or Government. That summit symbolized the end of an era of discord that had

long paralysed the United Nations. It is understandable that the

international Organization should henceforth seek to define itself. It wishes

to strengthen its potential in various areas, while at the same time

increasing its efficacy in complying with the provisions of the Charter.

Africa and the developing countries are active partners in reform. For

is that not part of a new universalism which has become more urgent and whose

aim remains the satisfaction of fundamental needs? Let us concern ourselves

as much with the flowering of dignity and human rights as with the economic

and social well-being of all peoples.

For Africa in particular, external assistance stands as a basic

principle. But it is also to a large extent the starting point of Africa's

development. That is why Africa will remain vigilant about subtle proposals

that tend to marginalize its relations with the world system. Thus, in this

new interplay of interests aimed at introducing a new culture into the United

Nations, Africa has everything to gain by preserving, for instance, the

decisive role the United Nations plays, under the relevant provisions of the

Charter, in the realm of cooperation for economic and social development.

In all times, the Governments that we have the honour to represent have

assumed to right to lead people by assuming the duty to address forcefully the

needs of the immediate present, the hypothetical, the near future, and the

long-term. The first ambition remains to work for better societies that offer

the citizen, both as an individual and as part of the whole, less alienation

and less constraint with more knowledge and more freedom.

It is noteworthy that in the constant struggle for man and society, the

community of nations assembled within the United Nations has accompanied

national efforts with appropriate assistance. The General Assembly, ennobled

by its solemn nature, captures the resounding echo of public opinion from

around the world. In this respect, it is a major source of hope. The demands

which the Organization must now meet are unprecedented in their nature. The

Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, in his report on the work of the

Organization, has written that:

"The turning-point in the scale and scope of United Nations

activities can be discerned after the year 1987. For the first time in

many years, agreement on a wide range of issues became possible,

effectively marking an end to the cold war." (A/47/1, para. 14)

Thus, today more than ever, the debate in the General Assembly is rich with a

variety of issues that illustrate the expanding role of the Organization.

In actual fact, what is involved are generally new, modern challenges

that the States Members of the Organization will have to confront. This state

of affairs, disturbing in itself, is mitigated by the dispelling of some

problems. Furthermore, a number of diverse national experiences, full of

opportunity and hope, have developed in recent years and acquired real

significance for freedom and restored democracy in a number of countries.

I once again welcome the fact that the United Nations is contributing

actively to the democratization efforts of these nations, which are referred

to in the report on the work of Organization that I have already mentioned. I

should like to address the specific case of the institutions in my country,

the Congo.

In specific terms, the Republic of the Congo is moving towards an

enlarged and more participatory democracy, the blossoming of the intellectual

and psychological potential of the Congolese people, and the growth of

national solidarity. Decentralization, the keystone of the new policy of

Professor Pascal Lissouba, the first democratically elected President of the

Republic, will grant administrative powers to regions in the areas of

management and economic development.

There are two dimensions involved in this: the rehabilitation or

construction of administrative installations, and the promotion of initiative

and innovation in the area of development and the rural environment. The aim

is to improve living conditions for the poorest sectors of the population by

giving them the means to gain access to decent housing, with the emphasis on

local building materials, water supply and sanitation, family health, the

education of infants, and income-generating activities.

In the course of this year, 1992, through the exercise of universal

suffrage, the Congolese people, during successive free and fair elections

performed their duties as active citizens under the supervision of

international observers, to whom my Government expresses its profound

gratitude for the very beneficial assistance they provided our country. The

happy outcome of these elections today heralds a new era, that of democracy,

to which our people is henceforth committed. Congolese public opinion,

revitalized by a reborn national press, has effectively contributed to

averting political violence. In short, the Congo is now engaged in meaningful

structural reform, starting at the institutional level.

The Congo's new Constitution, adopted by referendum on 15 March 1992,

during the transitional period following the national conference, increases

freedoms in all areas. Almost 45 articles make up chapter II of the

Constitution on rights and fundamental freedoms. Our Constitution also

provides for balanced public powers and seeks to establish strengthened

solidarity and equity.

The establishment of democracy at the local level not without its risks

set the first conclusive test for the Congolese people. Local councils and

mayors were elected by universal suffrage. Despite some inevitable but minor

hitches, the overall system functioned in a satisfactory manner.

It is important to note the people's commitment to the new political,

economic, social, and cultural foundations upon which, after 30 years of error

and disarray, the new political legitimacy of our country now rests. A

bicameral parliament has been elected, with predominance given to the first

chamber, the National Assembly, to which the government is accountable. Its

functioning reflects the meticulous Congolese electoral process.

This process culminated with the presidential election held on 2 and

16 August 1992. This final phase readily highlighted to public opinion, long

unfamiliar with such things, the complex interplay of the many political

parties and their strategic alliances. The presidential election was carried

out in two ballots. It was hotly contested. The Congolese electors voted

without constraint in secret ballot. Professor Pascal Lissouba was elected

President of the Republic of the Congo.

message of the President of the Republic, His Excellency

Professor Pascal Lissouba. There are many reasons for hope nowadays. For our

country, the message proclaims, there is an irresistible democratic urge that

has freed energies and galvanized enthusiasm. Everything has once more become

possible.

This historic new beginning implies a break with a development

fundamentally based on such factors external to our civil society as

international assistance, negotiated or imposed improvement in the terms of

trade, foreign investment, and the preponderant intervention of the State.

The new idea is that economic development and social progress should be based

principally on the sense of initiative, the creativity of individuals and the

civil society, and on their capacity to act, innovate, and better manage the

human resources and riches of the Congo.

As will have been noted, Congo's ambitions are bold. Mindful of the

magnitude of the task before us, the President of the Republic of Congo has

stated:

"The concept of democracy nowadays may appear to be a gift. It is a

culture, and any culture is a blending. Thus we, by virtue of our own

culture, which involves a methodical and deliberate search for consensus,

must mitigate the inhumane or hard-to-accept aspects of a democracy

fashioned in other climes."

The President went on to ask: "What is law without custom?" That is why he

calls for:

"respect for the assets of the community and for the love of work. This

is what it will take to win the respect of our partners, even this must

necessarily rest with strengthening our links with our usual partners"-

In this vital recovery effort, the Government of national union and the

Congolese people will be able to derive the greatest possible benefit from

cooperation with industrialized countries, with international organizations,

including non-governmental organizations, and from the contribution of new

forms of cooperation, without frontiers, between towns, regions and

enterprises in the north and in the south.

Members will not be surprised to hear me speak of certain major problems

that call for the attention of the international community and, hence, of the

United Nations. It is quite natural that any member State might ask itself

"What can be done? Where can we start?" It seems to us that the general

debate is an excellent opportunity to gather together the material for a

response to these questions, on the basis of proposals and of the desire of

some to take action and others to refrain from taking action.

What is our attitude at this moment of great political and ideological

upheaval? The Congo shares the view that it is essential that the United

Nations continue to be an especially well-suited forum for the analysis of

events and for concept development, particularly in respect of socio-economic

problems, in a spirit of renewed partnership. Indeed, the United Nations must

serve as the right institution within which to strive for global solutions.

Those solutions must take into account the political, humanitarian and

socio-economic dimensions of world problems. My delegation endorses this

approach, particularly with respect to assistance, trade, the transfer of

technologies, commodity prices and debt relief.

There is a prevailing feeling that the United Nations has a fresh

opportunity to attain the objectives of the Charter - in particular, the

maintenance of peace and the restoration of peace and, it should be added

since the summit meeting of the Security Council, the promotion of preventive

diplomacy. Despite all the scepticism. Member States would be justified in

keeping alive the flame that was lit on 31 January in New York. In this

respect my delegation cannot but associate itself with the wise words that

have already been spoken from this rostrum.

Sadly, it must be acknowledged that the end of the cold war has not put

an end to age-old antagonisms. After so many promising and hopeful events, we

witnessed the Yugoslav crisis break out suddenly in the heart of Europe. In

Africa, in addition to the mounting violence in South Africa violence that

reflects the difficult birth pangs of a democratic, non-racial and united

South Africa the Liberian and Somalian tragedies continue to give us reason

to fear the destabilization of a number of States. As representatives must be

well aware, all these concerns have an impact on subregional security.

Is it still acceptable that, in a world rich in rights and freedoms, not

all peoples are really receiving the benefit thereof? Continued tribal or

ethnic conflicts, accompanied by war crimes, if viewed with indifference, may

lead almost unnoticed to the extermination of tens of thousands of people. In

Europe, people are dying in the name of ideology, and in Somalia, in the

extreme eastern part of the African continent, the situation is even more

tragic. Drought, combined with mindless blood-letting by clans fighting over

the shreds of power, are claiming thousands of victims. There is undoubtedly

a need for more international assistance. Here, once again, the activities of

the United Nations deserve praise.

We should also hail the role of the non-governmental organizations in

their daily endeavours in the service of the human individual, as a gesture of

solidarity with mankind, regarded in its universal nature as a reasonable

being. The picture is not an entirely gloomy one, if we can judge by the

glimmers of hope coming from the talks that are under way in, for example,

Liberia and the Middle East.

In the case of South Africa, all parties must agree to end the violence,

and they must show restraint. The parties must cooperate in order to bring

about the earliest possible resumption of the negotiation process. The

developments of the last few weeks give us grounds to hope that this will,

indeed, happen. In any event, the Republic of the Congo supports the

initiatives and all the efforts being made by the international community to

find the right solutions to these questions. It is in this spirit that,

despite its difficult economic circumstances, the Congo is contributing to

various operations within the United Nations framework. Recently we

participated in the United Nations Angola Verification Mission (UNAVEM II),

following the positive experience of our presence in UNAVEM I.

Likewise, my country supports the initiatives and decisions relating to

arms reduction, the halting of nuclear tests and the endeavours intended to

promote transparency in international transfers of conventional arms.

The promotion of confidence-building, peace and security is still the

constant concern of many States - in particular, the States of the central

African subregion. In this context, in May, the Standing Advisory Committee

on Security Matters was created under the auspices of the United Nations.

This is one more instrument in the system of subregional cooperation.

Although we must unite our efforts to overcome war, it is not true that

the peoples that are not experiencing the turmoils of war are necessarily

living in peace. A glance at a map of the world proves that the reverse is

true. Africa, for example, is suffering from drought, famine and disease an

appalling picture that calls for action from the community of nations.

It is clear that, along with the questions of the maintenance of peace,

drug abuse, the environment and humanitarian assistance, Africa is one of the

five priorities of the United Nations in the 1990s. Paradoxically, however,

since the adoption, on 18 December 1991, of the United Nations New Agenda for

the Development of Africa in the 1990s, the implementation of that programme,

based on a new partnership, is suffering from a lack of priority. This

situation requires attention.

The problems of drug abuse present another painful and devastating

picture for the peoples of the continents of Europe, America and Asia. How

can we successfully tackle all these challenges and others the acquired

immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) pandemic, for example without cooperation

and solidarity between States?

There is one undeniable fact: the aspiration to democracy is now

universal. This heightened awareness should be regarded as a tremendous

advance that will promote peace and security in the world. For the developing

countries, our thinking should now concentrate on the future and the fate of

that democracy in other words, on how to build on the achievements stemming

from the advent of a democratic system in a good number of countries. In

other words, democracy and development are indivisible. It is only by linking

the two aspects of the question that we shall be able to derive the proper

benefits from the changes that we all nowadays recognize as significant on the

eve of the third millennium.

United Nations official records are in the public domain worldwide under administrative instruction ST/AI/189/Add.9/Rev.2.

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