Myanmar, 1983

258. Sir, the delegation of

Burma, which I have the privilege to lead here, is happy

to extend the warmest congratulations to the President of the thirty-eighth session.

His distinguishes political career and Ms wide knowledge and

experience of world affairs is a guarantee to us ail that

the present session is in the most abide hands. We wish

to assure him of our support and co-operation in the

discharge of his responsibilities.

259. We also take this opportunity to render a tribute

to the outgoing President, Mr. Imre Hollai, for the

integrity of purpose with which he guided the deliberations of the Assembly during the last session.

260. We are also happy to offer our felicitations and

friendly greetings to the delegation of Saint Christopher

and Nevis on the occasion of its admission into the family

of the United Nations, which is yet another step towards

the universality of the membership of the Organization.

261. The regular sessions of the General Assembly have

always been of great interest and value to all delegations

present at these yearly gatherings. t is a traditional time

to review and evaluate what is happening in the world,

what we expect to do about it and to give thought to the

problems of the future. These occasions enable us to take

stock of various standpoints in the present conditions of

the world and to acquaint ourselves with each other's

positions and attitudes. For our part, we leave with an

understanding and appreciation much better than when

we Hurst come here.

262. For the past several years, the Assembly has been

working under conditions of marked international tension. In our view, the pattern of events since our last

session has shown no improvement or significant changes

in the overall international situation, is it political, economic or social? as a world dominated by the political

and strategic interests of the great Powers, their adverse

relationship continues to encumber international relations

and impinge on the work of the Assembly. Unless these

relations are improved we fear that the present trend can

only lead to paralytic and consequent deviate in

authority and power of the United Nation

predicament in which the world Organisation finds itself and constitutes the nature of the problem we have to cope with.

263. it is evident that great-Power relationships continue to dominate the present decade, with profound

implications for peace and security. Their mutual mistrust

and divergent views have so far been the main obstacle

to resolving the key issues of our times. Experience has

shown that a certain degree of understanding among the

great Powers is essential before we can hope to gain

tangible ground in the peace-making process. The course

of any negotiations can be circumscribed by their indifference or greatly enhanced by their support, if the United Nations is to take a constructive move towards a safer

and more secure world, it is essential that the great Powers

do their part in making progress possible. Reorientation

of thinking and formulation of new approaches and

concepts of solution will be possible only at a lower level

of tendon, In view of the exceptional responsibility witch

the great Powers bear in the questions of peace and

security, it is incumbent on them to come forth with

initiatives that would ensure reduction of international

tensions. This also means that their present antagonism

must give way to a greater degree of coexistence that

would reduce suspicion, build mutual confidence and

contribute to a more state and reliable world order.

264. The stability we seek requires continued efforts to

place international relations on sounder foundations

rather titan on a balance of material forces. We believe

those permanent foundations for world peace on the basis

of peaceful coexistence best respond to the hopes and

aspirations of mankind and command the support of the

overwhelming majority of nations. We come from different continents with diverse historical, cultural and

social backgrounds and differing political and economic

conditions, all of which have their own validity. Moreover, human nature is much too diverse to allow for the

imposition of an all-encompassing world system. No

single Power or group of Powers can expect to shape the

world's destiny m its own way. indeed, such an attempt

would only accentuate disharmony rather than promote

harmony and would fore nations apart rather than bring

them together.

265. in these circumstances, logic and reason dictate

that there is no alternative to a policy of peaceful coexistence and co-operation among States, whether big or

smelt, and irrespective of their political, economic and

social systems. Let us recognize that it is in the Charter

of the United Nations.

266. The factor of great-Power rivalry is but one source

of world tension and conflict. The fact is that we live in

an epoch of revolutionary changes which are fundamental

in nature. They have generated impulses and problems

which are unprecedented in character and dimensions?

In this situation, a deeper source of tension is the conflict

between new incipient forces advancing to the forefront

and age-old forces holding on to domination. Within this

changing context, the full depth of the contemporary

crisis ranges from issues of disarmament to international

economic processes. It is also reflected in the problems

of the Middle East, southern Africa, the situation in

Afghanistan, Kampuchea and central America.

267. Having touched upon the general nature of world

issues, I should now like to comment briefly on them as

they relate to our common search for a viable and effective response.

268. Negotiations on disarmament and arms control are

currently encountering many contradictions and difficulties.

The world community is still burdened by the chronic

problem of the armaments race, who’s undiminished

tempo continues to heighten tensions and poses a threat

to international peace and security. Today disarmament

negotiations are in a state of flux, seemingly not unpromising at times, suddenly becoming stale and replaced

by the language of war. So far there has neither been arms

reduction nor disarmament. Both contending policies of

the great Powers assume that only more weapons could

provide more protection. Negotiations and agreements

on arms control to date have done little to limit either

weapons development or weapons quantities, and the

probability of nuclear war has not adequately or appreciably decreased.

269. In a situation where the enormous destructive

potential of nuclear weapons threatens the very survival

of mankind, fears about the dangers of nuclear war have

become more pronounced than before. The prevention

of nuclear war has emerged into the foreground as the

burning issue of the day. Arms and technology are but

tools of war, and factors influencing the likelihood of

war is more political in nature. Removing the possibility

of a nuclear clash means towering the existing dangerously

high tensions. The great Powers have a special position

with regard to this matter, because the ultimate decision

as to peace and war rests with them. In the present situation, there can be no major war without their participation and equally there can be no genuine peace unless both

of them will it. Thus they share between them an extremely heavy burden of responsibility, not only to their

own people out to entire humanity as a whole.

270. World public attention and expectations are now

focused on the ongoing talks between the great Powers

relating to medium-range nuclear systems and strategic

armaments. The absence of progress so far is a source

of concern, as a successful outcome of the bilateral

negotiations is widely tooled upon as an opening to

progress in other fields of disarmament. Every proposed

solution should be explored. It is an opportunity that may

not recur or exist for much longer to reach a solution that

would ensure a secure region In Europe. We hope that

a mutually acceptable formula will be worked out to

produce an outcome that the world can live with and that

is not merely to the benefit of one region and to the

detriment of another.

271. We cannot Ignore the factor of time involved in

arms control negotiations. We stand at a crossroads

where the inability of arms control negotiations to keep

pace with technological innovation may pass the point

of manageability and make It impossible, in a practical

sense, to stop the accelerating arms race. The protracted

pace of diplomatic negotiations and the relatively more

rapid pace of technological progress means that arms

control will become ever more difficult in the years to

come unless some bold Initiatives are taken to arrest and

reverse the present trends. Meantime, white strategic arms

control negotiations remain at an impasse, advances in

technology threatens to upset the nuclear balance.

272. No single regional dispute has so preoccupied the

General Assembly in sheer length of time as have the

Middle East situation and the Palestine question. The

Middle East region remains in ferment, with hardly any

prospect of an early or satisfactory solution to the question of Palestine, the primary cause of the persisting

crisis. In spite of the efforts of many countries and of

the United Nations, it is still not possible to perceive a

solution to the many problems which fester in the Middle

East and Palestine issues, such as the questions of Jerusalem, the Golan Heights and Israeli settlements in occupied territories. Matters have become further compounded by the factional divergence and strife in the

Palestinian movement over views on how to achieve a

solution. This has caused a setback in the most resent

efforts of the peace process.

273. It is also evident that any solution of the Middle

East problem, to be viable, must be comprehensive in

nature. Equally, a comprehensive settlement in the Middle

East is not possible without meaningful progress towards

a solution of the Palestine problem.

274. The position of the delegation of Burma regarding

the issues of the Middle East and Palestine are quite clear.

We recognize the realty that, whatever the circumstances

of its birth, Israel has come to stay in the Middle East.

We accordingly recognize the right of Israel to exist. We

maintain, however, that the right to exist does not confer

on Israel or on any other State the right to acquire territory by war or to resort to unilateral acts that prejudice the outcome of any final comprehensive settlement.

Looking to future prospects, we feel that unless steps are

taken to hat the current process of Israeli settlements in

occupied territories, it may soon make impossible title

chances for pursuing a negotiated peace. Another prerequisite for transforming the ate is the withdrawn of

Israeli forces from all Arab territories occupied since

1967, a move that we believe will contribute towards a

just and enduring solution. As we perceive it, any negotiations aimed at achieving a just and comprehensive

settlement in the Middle East would necessarily entail a

greater sensitivity in each of title parties to the dispute to

the concerns of the other side. What is needed is the

mutual recognition of the right of each side to exist. The

legitimate rights of the Palestinian people to skiff-determination and a national homeland must be recognized,

side by side with the recognition of Israel's right to survival and need for security. Failing such accommodation

between the two sides, peace in the Middle East would

surety is impossible. To our regret, the present antagonism displayed by the two sides holds little

promise of making any headway towards a Middle East

solution.

27$. in Lebanon the presence of unauthorized foreign

forces continue to destabilize internal order. Protracted

efforts to affect their withdrawal have so far foundered.

Moreover, the intractable problem of community conflict

still faces the country. The problems of Lebanon stem

from the unresolved issues of the Middle East and Palestine. Notwithstanding this fact, the overriding concern

must be to ensure the withdrawal of foreign forces from

the country and the realization of the foot sovereignty,

territorial integrity and political independence of Lebanon, within its international recognized boundaries, in

accordance with Security Council resolutions in this

regard.

276. The record of ongoing developments in southern

Africa provides little cause for optimism. There has been

no real change in the overall pattern of relations between

South Africa and the African front-line States which

border ft. Military escalation and interference continue

to be directed and intensified against them. Moreover,

there is no let-up in South Africa's policies and practices

of racial discrimination and indeed,

has been extended to Namibian territory,

whose attainment of independence has proved to be far?

slower than expected.

277. Five years have passed since the adoption of Security Council resolution 435 (1978 as a basis for an Internationally recognized settlement for the independence of

Namibia. Yet still today the people of that Territory

remain the victims of a stubborn colonial domination.

Hopes raised by the United Nations plan for the peaceful realization of Namibian self-determination have faded with the intransigent and persistent refusal of South Africa to comply with and to honour what it had originally accepted. Its resistance to the forces of change has not only aggravated the Namibian situation but also constitutes a serious threat to regional stability and to international peace and security.

278. The efforts of the contact group representing the

world's most powerful countries have also failed to influence South Africa, at today there is hardly any prospect

of a solution to the question of Namibia. A further

dilatory factor causing concern is the injection of extraneous issues that tend to distort title reality of the Namibian question. The delegation of Burma cannot in good

faith support motives that are incompatible with the letter

and spirit of Security Council resolution 423 1973. We

intoed the view that any parallelism or linkage between title

independence of Namibia and extraneous at irrelevant

issues cat only raise doubts as to the attitude of those

who promote the concept?

279. Experience with regard to the situations in Afghanistan and Kampuchea reveals both the need for and the

difficulty of instating regional conflicts from great Power relationships. The implication of both situations

are already reflected in the politics of the respective

regions. They also demonstrate the basic risks involved

in intervention in any country by an external

Power. Beth interventions have been fraught with difficulties for the intervener and the affected. In each case

the difficulties are of a nature to raise the question of

whether the form of intervention has realty served the

national interests of the intervener. White in the short

range certain goals may have been achieved, a political

price has to be paid in the way of adverse world opinion.

2S0. in line with our oft-expressed views on Afghanistan

and Kampuchea, we consider that the withdrawal of

foreign troops from both countries is fundamental for

arriving at a political solution. It is also a preliminary

to forging better relations in the region. This is a matter

of principle with us, for any breach of the basic principles

of International rotations, as enunciated in the Charter

of the United Nations, cannot b: condoned, since it

creates a dangerous precedent with wide-ranging indications. We say this because the principles of the Charter are applicable to all States Members of the United

Nations and will survive only if Members faithfully

uphold them.

28. in Afghanistan the good offices of the Secretary-

General have led to some movement in the right direction

regarding essential elements for a comprehensive political

solution. We welcome these constructive efforts and hope

that a breakthrough will be achieved to enable the Afghan

people to determine their own destiny free from outside

interference and to enable the refugees to return.

282. Regarding Kampuchea, the stalemate continues

despite many diplomatic moves In and outside the region.

The delegation of Burma considers that the achievement

of a political solution in Kampuchea must necessarily he

worked out by the Kampuchean people themselves without outside interference. We would hope that both internal and external conditions will in time mature to allow

for a peaceful way for national reconciliation and a

political solution responsive to the desperate seed of the

Kampuchean people to survive and to live in peace.

283. Turning now to the world economy, there is no denying that it is still in the midst of the most severe and protracted crisis. No country, regardless of its level of economic development, size and socio-economic order, has been spared the crisis, though the main brunt of its adverse impact has been borne by the developing countries. It has imposed a severe strain on international trade and on the monetary and financial systems and has raised the spectre of trade warfare and financial collapse. The resultant slow-down in socio-economic development has also generated a crisis in development. It is in fact a crisis on international relations, and it underlines the anachronistic nature of the existing system.

284. Recent forecasts talk of an economic upturn

in some highly industrialized countries, the momentum

of recovery is as yet too stowed to warrant jubilation.

However, in many respects the world economic situation cannot really be described as being responsive. World trade remains sluggish, and interest

rates are high and have rapidity increased the level of

debt service payments. As a result, the international

monetary and financial systems have been placed under

severe strain. Points to the fact that fundamental

changes in the pattern of world economic relations,

especially In trade and finance are overdue.

285. New ways and means must also be found to narrow the ever-widening gap between the export earnings

of developed and developing countries, so as to establish

a realistic and equitable basic relationship of a lasting nature. We believe that the balance of world opinion

. is swinging toward far-reaching solutions and constructive international action to redress the ills of the world

economy and not towards a series of stop-gap, ad Ace

measures.

286. A resolution in favour of the launching of global

negotiations, adopted by the General Assembly in 1979

was aimed at spurring the desired

process of transformation it: international economic

relations. We are disturbed that this has met with opposition from the richer developed nations, which makes

the start of negotiations still uncertain.

287. Furthermore, growing links between national economies have enhanced their interdependence to the extent

that unilateral action by a single country or group of

countries to pull out of the present crisis may prove to

be ineffective and inadequate. In spite of this, there has

been a greater resort to unilateral action, and international economic co-operation has slackened at a time

when it needs to be greatly strengthened. A healthy world

economic structure can emerge only with the recognition

that widened avenues of international co-operation and

agreement is basic requisites to put the world economy

back on the path of recovery and sustained growth. We

hope that our present deliberations will help us advance

this prospect and that the examination of world issues

Will prove fruitful.