Myanmar, 2000

At the outset, I would like

to warmly congratulate you, Sir, on your well-deserved

election to the presidency of this historic Millennium

Assembly. We firmly believe that, under your able

stewardship, the first session of the General Assembly

in the new century will be a resounding success. This

session provides us with an opportune moment to take

stock of the track record of the Organization, its

achievements and the areas where it needs to be

strengthened so that it will be equal to the challenges

of the new century.

I also wish to express our gratitude to your

predecessor, Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab of Namibia, for the

leadership he provided us in our preparations for this

Millennium Assembly and for his tireless efforts and

the dedication, skill and intelligent management with

which he led the last session of the General Assembly

of the twentieth century to a successful conclusion.

My delegation is most delighted to see in our

midst Tuvalu as a new Member of this world

Organization. With the admission of Tuvalu as the

189th Member of this Organization, our objective of

universal membership is closer to reality. On behalf of

the delegation of the Union of Myanmar, I would like

to extend our warmest congratulations to the delegation

of Tuvalu.

After the Second World War, under the Charter of

the United Nations, we established the present system

of collective security. Since then, we have witnessed

substantial changes in the geopolitical map of the

world, leading to new realities in international

relations. There is a strong consensus that our

Organization must be reformed and adapted to the new

realities in order to enable it to effectively respond to

the new challenges. This consensus has resulted in

various measures and proposals to reform the

Organization, including a process to make the Security

Council more effective, democratic, transparent and

accountable.

When this process started in 1993, we had hoped

that we would have completed the reform of the

Council by the beginning of the new millennium. After

seven years of discussion on the reform of the Council,

however, reality has revealed that the issue we took on

was so complex that it could not be resolved quickly.

While there has been convergence of ideas on some

areas, in others we have come to an impasse. This does

not mean that we should give up. On the contrary, we

should explore new possible avenues to enhance the

momentum we have gained. We must make use of this

historic opportunity to give added impetus to reforming

the Council so that it meets the needs of our time.

We believe that, at this stage of deliberations, we

should identify areas of possible agreement and build

on them. For instance, it appears to be generally agreed

that the Council should be expanded in both categories

of permanent and non-permanent membership.

Similarly, a majority of countries tends to agree that

the new members should come from among the

developed and developing countries alike. While we

continue our discussion on other aspects of the issue, it

would be conducive to the reform process if we could

establish general agreement on such possible areas

where our views converge. I trust that the future

discussions among us will give serious thought to these

possibilities. We must redouble the efforts to reform

our Organization so that it can truly serve us in our

endeavour to build a better world.

As we enter the new millennium, we find to our

dismay and alarm that some major international issues

persist in defying our collective creativity and attempts

to solve them. We must not let these setbacks cast a

shadow over the credibility and effectiveness of this

Organization. We consider it our primary duty to focus

our attention on those questions dealing with

development as well as those dealing with peace and

security.

Despite the efforts of the international

community, peace throughout the Middle East remains

elusive. We hope that the important progress made so

far will pave the way for achieving a just and lasting

peace in the region. We would like to see an enduring

peace in the Middle East, one which would guarantee

the restoration of the inalienable rights of the

Palestinian people and the right of Israel to exist within

secure and recognized borders.

There are many other questions that merit our

attention. One such question I wish to bring to the

attention of the Assembly is that of Cyprus. This

question has been on the Assembly's agenda for the

last 26 years. We are heartened to note that the United

Nations is now engaged in another effort to solve the

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problem. Myanmar has consistently supported the

negotiations between the Greek and Turkish Cypriot

communities under the auspices of the United Nations

Secretary-General, and we would like to take this

opportunity to pledge our continued full support for the

task.

Let me touch upon an important question that is

of serious concern to the international community and

on which we in Myanmar place special emphasis. I am

referring to the problem of narcotic drugs. Nationally

speaking, this is a problem that we inherited from the

colonial administration. The poppy plant, from which

opium is harvested, is not native to Myanmar. It was

introduced into our country by the colonial

administration, which relied on licensed opium dens as

a source of revenue. Since then, this evil scourge has

bedevilled the country. Successive Governments have

been relentless in their efforts to eradicate the problem

of narcotic drugs.

Thus, the eradication of poppy cultivation

remains one of the top priorities for Myanmar.

Notwithstanding the harsh and undue criticism levelled

against Myanmar for a problem with wide international

dimensions, our sustained efforts to combat the

problem of narcotic drugs have resulted in a noticeable

drop in opium cultivation and production. This fact is

acknowledged by the International Narcotics Control

Board (INCB). Here, it bears reiteration that narcotic

drugs are a global problem, to be solved in a concerted

manner and through global efforts. The problem must

be tackled in a holistic manner, both from the

production side and the demand reduction side.

National efforts must be supported by international

assistance and cooperation. Myanmar has been trying

to combat this global problem mainly with its own

resources. Except for the assistance provided by the

United Nations International Drug Control Programme

(UNDCP), no substantial assistance has been provided

to Myanmar in its current efforts to combat this global

menace. This is tantamount to making a travesty of the

much-avowed principle of shared responsibility.

Despite our efforts, Myanmar has been a target of

unfair criticism and censure. An objective assessment

will identify which countries are making real efforts to

effectively tackle this global problem and which

countries are paying mere lip service. The fact of the

matter is that the scourge of narcotic drugs is not the

sole responsibility of any one country. No country

acting on its own can successfully overcome this

menace. To tackle this global problem, we must join

hands and cooperate with each other. Myanmar stands

ready to do so.

The principles enshrined in the Charter have

served the world community well for more than five

decades. Sovereignty, sovereign equality, respect for

territorial integrity and non-intervention in internal

affairs are cardinal principles that remain vital for the

peace and security of all nations. These are

irreplaceable bedrock principles underpinning the

current international system. These are the principles

that have enabled the international community to

successfully deter world conflagrations. Therefore, we

are greatly dismayed by the recent tendency in some

quarters to cast doubt on the continued soundness of

these basic principles.

There are some who are bent on compromising

these cardinal principles of international relations,

voicing support for interference in countries' internal

affairs on various grounds. This is indeed a dangerous

trend, with dangerous implications for the peace and

stability of our international system. At a time when

the powerful increasingly make use of various

international forums to fulfil their hidden political

agendas, a very valid question must be posed: who

determines the existence of a situation that warrants

interference in internal affairs? The justification of

interference in internal affairs under certain conditions

is a concept easily vulnerable to abuse by the powerful

for their narrow national interests. Interference, even

for such a worthy cause as humanitarian assistance, can

undermine the principles of neutrality and impartiality,

thus endangering the entire system of humanitarian

assistance. A well-intentioned mistake can unravel the

fabric of the present international system, which has

stood us in good stead.

No nation is entirely free from problems or

difficulties. While some are more successful in solving

their problems, others are less successful. There are

some situations where the assistance of the

international community is necessary to resolve these

issues and difficulties; in other situations, national

measures would best suit the situation. In trying to

resolve these problems, a proper understanding and a

correct perspective on the issue, both historical and

current, are necessary. A solution obtained without

such understanding and perspective is tantamount to

treating the symptoms rather than the disease.

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A careful look at countries with ongoing conflicts

demonstrates that some issues are not susceptible to an

easy and quick solution. They are deeply rooted in

intra-State tensions and mistrust that have been

lingering for hundreds of years. There are instances

when seemingly successful solutions causing fleeting

euphoria have turned out to be pyrrhic victories. This is

principally because the root causes were never

thoroughly understood and addressed.

Furthermore, appropriate and pragmatic national

attempts at finding lasting solutions should be

encouraged and supported. There are many cases where

the role of the international community is

indispensable. There are also many other cases where

its proper role should be limited to assisting the State

concerned in its efforts, complementing those efforts

only where necessary.

The situation in Myanmar has been the subject of

unfair scrutiny and political pressure by a number of

powerful countries for quite some time. Therefore, I

find it appropriate to take this opportunity to apprise

the Members of the Organization of the situation in my

country. The Government of Myanmar is in the process

of establishing a democratic society. In this endeavour,

it has chosen the path that is most suitable to the

country, its people and its historical peculiarities.

Contemporary history has shown that the transition to

democracy from a totally different and centralized

political and economic system is not always smooth. It

requires ingenuity, patience and understanding to make

the process peaceful.

Here I wish to underscore that the present

Myanmar Government is making all-out efforts to

solve the most fundamental problem of the country: the

consolidation of national unity. Without satisfactorily

resolving this basic question, the objectives of

democracy, peace, prosperity and stability will not be

realized. National unity will not be consolidated if we

cannot address issues such as the eradication of

poverty, equitable distribution of national wealth and

the maintenance of peace and security.

The people of Myanmar share the view that these

issues must be adequately addressed first and foremost

in order to achieve the emergence of a developed,

peaceful and prosperous State.

It is at this important and delicate juncture that all

sorts of superficial and unsubstantiated charges are

being made against us, placing many obstacles along

our chosen path to democracy. This line of approach

will only perpetuate the existing programmes in the

country. It will give rise to unnecessary delays in our

current democratization process. Here I wish to stress

that it was a situation of chaos and anarchy that had

threatened the country's survival as a State and that led

the Tatmadaw, the armed forces, to assume State

power. Although the present Government is a military

government, the country is not governed by martial

law. The entire body of legislation remains in place and

the country is governed according to these legal

provisions. The country also retains an independent

judicial system.

Despite all obstacles placed in our path to

development and against all odds, we have made

considerable achievements, both economically and

politically. On the political front, because of the

Government's endeavour to build national unity, 17

armed groups have returned to the legal fold. We have

been able to establish unprecedented peace and

tranquillity. We have also made considerable strides in

the country's economy. The country's gross domestic

product continues to grow year after year. The

economy registered 10.9 per cent growth last year. This

growth pattern is expected to continue this year. The

effective control of inflation also resulted in an

appreciable increase in the living standard of the

people of Myanmar. The people of the country are fully

conscious of all these remarkable achievements. They

are fully aware that they themselves are the direct

beneficiaries of these positive results. The Government

is determined to redouble its efforts to bring about

peace and stability and a better standard of life for the

people of Myanmar.

The peace and stability that we have today do not

come easily. It is only in recent years that peace and

stability returned to virtually all corners of the country.

What we are doing is laying down a firm foundation

necessary to build a modern, prosperous and peaceful

nation. Far from recognizing the unprecedented

achievements made by the Government, some Western

countries have imposed on us political pressure and

unilateral sanctions. International financial institutions

are being used to deny us our rightful loans and

assistance. These are hampering all our sincere and

vigorous efforts to address the pressing problems of the

nation and to uplift the country to a prosperous stage.

However, we will continue on our chosen path of

building a democratic society best suited to our

15

traditions, thus fulfilling the aspirations of our people.

We are resolute in our determination to develop the

country in the shortest possible time.

In accordance with Myanmar's foreign policy,

Myanmar makes every effort to forge friendly relations

with all countries. In conformity with this time-tested

policy, we have successfully established friendly and

close relations with all neighbouring countries. It is a

policy that we pursue in our relations with fellow

members of the Association of South-East Asian

Nations (ASEAN), countries of the region and all other

countries of the world. I wish to take this opportunity

to urge those countries that now have negative views

on Myanmar to look at our situation in a more

objective manner. We are building a democratic

society, a society in which peace and stability prevails,

a society where our people can enjoy a better life in

larger freedom.

What we urgently need in the new century is the

realization of a just and an equitable international

order. We need an international order where right, and

not might, prevails. In establishing such an

international order, the United Nations is the only

organization that can provide the necessary leadership.

The envisaged international order must also respect the

right of every nation to adopt the political, economic

and social systems that best suit its domestic context. It

must be an international order in which the legitimate

desire of every nation for justice and equality is

accepted by powerful States with understanding and

sympathy. In this, the role of the United Nations, as the

principal intergovernmental institution of universal

nature, is irreplaceable. Hegemonic tendencies and

power politics will certainly undermine the basis of

international relations and will thereby jeopardize our

system of collective security.

It is my fervent hope that every Member State

will play its part and make this Organization equal to

the challenges of the new century. At this Millennium

Assembly let us all resolve to translate the ideals of the

Organization into a concrete reality through

cooperation, goodwill and firm commitments.