Liberia, 1969

37. I offer you, Madam President,

the profound and sincere felicitations of the Liberian

delegation and myself on your election to the eminent

position of President of the twenty-fourth session of the

General Assembly of the United Nations. Your continuous

association with the Assembly, your active and appreciable

participation in the affairs of the United Nations over a

remarkably extended period of time, as well as your

dedication to duty, provide us with the pleasure of having

as our presiding officer one who is not only familiar with

international affairs but also experienced in the operations

of our esteemed Organization.

38. Many of us remember the astuteness, sagacity, understanding,

sympathy and penetrating intellect which characterized

the presidency of Mrs. Pandit of India, who led the

eighth session of the General Assembly. Today, we are

fortunate in having another woman, equally capable, whose

warmth, perspicacity and prudence will be tested by the

existing and pressing problems of a world fraught with

misgivings, suspicions and apprehension.

39. You also have a special place among Africans as the

first woman of this advancing continent to occupy this

position. As an African, I salute you.

40. I am more particularly happy as the head of the

Liberian delegation to share the pride of your fellow

citizens on your election to this prominent position. Your

successful election is a manifestation of the esteem in which

the Members of this Assembly hold our continent in

general, and our country, one of the founding Members of

the United Nations, in particular. You have shown distinction

in the Foreign Service of Liberia and we are confident

that the capacity and ability you have so pleasingly and

satisfactorily demonstrated in international affairs will

enable you to handle with aplomb the complex matters

that will come before you.

41. The discretion you exercise, the decisions you make,

the footprints you leave during your term, will, we hope,

influence our course towards international peace and

security. In the words of Goethe, I say to you:

Choose well, your choice is

Brief and yet endless;

Here eyes do regard you,

Work and despair not.

42. I now take the opportunity of recording a well-deserved

and justified tribute to your deceased and outstanding

predecessor, H.E. Emilio Arenales of Guatemala,

who so ably and soberly presided over the twenty-third

session of the General Assembly, a performance which

readily and easily won for him the praise and esteem so

willingly accorded by all of us. His death is a loss not only

to his great country but also to the Organization and to all

of us who admired and respected him.

43. The Secretary-General of the United Nations,

U Thant, is as usual conscientious, imaginative and

resourceful. His constant search for solutions to world

problems and his devotion to the cause of international

peace and security are the greatest emblems of his efforts

and contributions in a world of contradictions, inequalities,

misunderstanding and strife. In wishing him success in his

difficult tasks, I confirm to him the continuing support of

the Government of Liberia and our best wishes that his

relentless efforts will be crowned with abundant success.

44. The twenty-fourth session of the General Assembly

convenes at a time when the world is still exhilarated at

man’s conquest in the realm of the celestial bodies — the

lunar landing. The recent lunar expedition is incontestably

one of man’s greatest achievements. It opens up a new vista

in the field of science and a broad avenue in the

development of technology; but it also imposes upon us an

awesome responsibility for the welfare and interest of

mankind.

45. One of the hallmarks of such.an outstanding achievement

is the interest which it should generate in the new and

challenging situations involving several political, social and

economic programmes, approaches, disciplines and reactions.

These situations occur in varying degrees in every

nook and cranny of the earth. The individual local

condition will, of course, determine the extent and magnitude

of the predicament but the general trend will be the

same. The movement is one in time and the effects cannot

be breached by any conventional methods.

46. Already, the world has been advised to expect more

lunar landings that are now planned and which may be

launched by more than one country. We must prepare to

meet the challenges which consequently must of necessity

be presented outside the fields of science and technology.

47. Unfortunately, it does not appear to me that our

efforts to secure and maintain international peace have

matched our success in technological achievements. I share

the view that the wide programmes for celestial conquests,

together with the recent laudable achievement, further

indicate the greater need for peace in this world and more

concern for man’s welfare. We cannot afford to shift

aimlessly from one crisis to another, merely hoping that it

will not result in some disaster. It is both uncomfortable

and very dangerous because recurrences of a series of crises

of an unbridled nature may eventually place us in the

unfortunate position where we may find ourselves unable.

to prevent a final but disastrous plunge into an abyss which

could bring us painful suffering, grim destruction and

appalling calamity. The total commitment of the Liberian

Government to universal peace, which involves the maintenance

of peace both at home and abroad, was, as I stated

in my address to the twenty-third session of the Assembly

[1698th meeting], proclaimed by President Tubman Himself

in January 1968.

48. Experience has shown that the obligation to settle

international disputes by peaceful means, as laid down in

the Charter, is evidently not sufficiently effective to check

the present belligerent tendency among States. What seems

to be necessary is an open and positive commitment by the

United Nations, condemning recourse to war and renouncing

it as an instrument of national policy, as was done in

the Kellogg-Briand Pact in 1928; and when this is done,

we need to adhere strictly to such outlawing of force since

it could be one means by which a global war might be

averted and mankind saved from annihilation.

49. Our difficulty in our present approach is inherent. It

arises from selfish preoccupations and our apparent unwillingness

to try to understand and deal with some of the

basic problems that increasingly call for fair and just

solutions in a world being made smaller and smaller by

technological advances.

50. Our efforts should be concentrated on the development

of effective measures to reduce present dangers and

remove apprehensions. In other words, the world community

has the responsibility of developing a new and

meaningful approach during this new era in its attempts to

ensure peace among men and nations.

51. Another difficulty seems to be based in time. It is one

thing to obtain command over the undesirable forces which

plague us and to acquire the mastery that command may

give us in ordering our fate. It is another thing, however, to

consider the question of appropriateness in time. Certainly,

we do not have a lifetime in which to enable us to devise

methods to accommodate private machinations. It seems to

me that the chief obstacle to our success lies not in our

capacity and power, but in the selfish positions and

methods which have otherwise been assumed and which

remain so little changed amid our new and recent accomplishments.

It is our human wills that are at fault, not our

energy. We shall succeed in matching achievements in the

realm of peace and security with technological advancement

only if we learn to afford ourselves the opportunity

of bringing out the best that lies within us. Improvement

and success in our endeavours for peace throughout the

world will therefore depend largely upon our genuine

willingness and sincere efforts not only to eliminate

disorders but also to prevent them.

52. There are several problems in various parts of the

world which are dangerous to the cause of world peace.

53. Day after day in the Middle East there are reports of

incidents and tensions indicating that the cease-fire is no

longer being observed by either side. On 22 November 1967

the Security Council unanimously adopted resolution

242 (1967), which provides a reasonable basis for a

settlement. It appears that the explosive situation has been

complicated by a web of tangled interests, the adjustment

of which calls for extraordinary selfless efforts. Great

expectations and hopes have rested on the initiatives of the

big-four meetings started earlier this year. If a catastrophe is

to be avoided, keener attention should be focused on the

dangers this problem engenders and we hope that the big

four and the parties involved will discharge the heavy

responsibility which a peaceful settlement binding on both

sides involves. In any case all of us should use our best

efforts to assist in bringing peace to that area.

54. Then too there is the problem of divided countries:

Viet-Nam, Korea and Germany. In Viet-Nam, the Paris talks

have not yet brought the result for which the world had

hoped. In Korea and Germany tension seems to fluctuate.

I think we should accept the fact that a particular kind of

government or ideology should not be imposed on a people,

since that will not provide the security which seems to be

the basis for peace. The will of the people should be

allowed to be exercised in a situation free from the threat

of force and when exercised it should be respected by all.

55. The tragic civil war in Nigeria continues, but the

Organization of African Unity is making every effort to

bring about a peaceful settlement through negotiations.

56. The General Assembly, during its fifteenth session, in

resolution 1514 (XV) declared, inter alia, that all peoples

under alien subjugation have a right to self-determination

and that, in Trust and Non-Self-Governing Territories or all

other Territories which have not attained independence, all

powers must be transferred to the peoples of those

Territories without any conditions or reservations or

pretexts, in accordance with their freely expressed will and

desire.

57. Unfortunately and regrettably, those aims have not

been fully implemented. My delegation finds itself utterly

bewildered by the continued dominance of colonial Powers

in the dependent Territories in the face of such unambiguous

principles universally accepted. The popular aspirations

of peoples in some areas are being systematically denied.

Some colonial Powers show no respect for the principles of

the Charter and the principles enunciated by the Organization

and ignore the expressed will of all its Members as

embodied in the resolutions of the Assembly. When that

happens, the image of the United Nations is impaired, its

prestige drops, and support among the world’s peoples

dwindles. More importantly, since a people determined to

enjoy the benefits of freedom cannot be prevented from

doing so eventually even under the worst forms of

oppression, violence is inevitably produced, resulting in

conflicts which constitute threats to international peace—threats

which might evaporate if positive action were taken

to accord the peoples of dependent Territories the right to

determine their own destiny.

58. Perhaps one of the oldest problems with which this

Organization has had to grapple since its creation has been

the problem in southern Africa. Coextensive with the

problem itself has been the acerbity with which the

Government of South Africa has deliberately and openly

ignored the principles of the United Nations. Within its own

borders, the attitude of South Africa is very disturbing.

That Government, by its adherence to the invidious policy

of apartheid, baseless in fact and morally monstrous, has

violated the laws of humanity and the resolutions of this

Organization. By its abominable racial policy designed

systematically to deny the majority of the population basic

and fundamental rights, the South African Government lays

the snare for racial conflict.

59. The effects of this problem, one of the most difficult

with which this Organization has had to contend, continue

to cast an ominous shadow over the efforts of the United

Nations; and it seems that the success or failure of these

efforts may in the end turn upon whether the black African

population in South Africa can survive its ordeal and upon

whether we shall accept the ultimate power and value of

the Organization to be measured by the whims of the South

African Government.

60. However, as if this aberration were not enough, the

South African Government is applying this obnoxious

policy to Namibia, a Mandated Territory, which is now a

United Nations responsibility as a result of the revocation

of the Mandate. Yet the fate of Namibia hangs in the

balance, the Namibians themselves being helpless against

the political formula with which they are subjugated by

South Africa, The repudiation by South Africa of the

United Nations Commission for Namibia and the illegal

condemnation of Namibian freedom fighters, at almost

regular intervals, in order to establish sovereignty in

Namibia amount to an obsession on the part of the South

African Government. These pernicious practices, haphazard

as they may be in origin, and even devoid of legality,

undermine the United Nations, which the majority of the

peoples of the world regard as the only hope for a new

world order where man’s inhumanity to man will cease and

true brotherhood prevail. The persistent disregard by the

South African Government for the principles and ideals of

the United Nations is incongruous and in fact incompatible

with its membership of the Organization. This fact,

unpleasant though it may be to some, must be squarely

faced by us.

61. A main objective of the United Nations is to maintain

international peace and security. While much of this

responsibility rests with the collective and concerted

determination of the membership of the Organization,

individual Members are no less responsible for refraining

from indulging in acts blatantly designed to challenge the

United Nations. There are extensive records on the question

of South Africa’s questionable attitude in this respect.

Admittedly, such records, considered within the framework

of the Organization and its activities, are of partial

importance when they relate to the disappointing attitude

of only a single Member, but they are nevertheless

fundamental.

62. Accordingly, it is indeed unfortunate that the Organization

has been unable, in spite of the expressions of

condemnation so frequently voiced here, to take actions

required to reverse the trend established by South Africa in

Namibia. We cannot expect to construct world order and

peace in the face of such undesirable behaviour.

63. Recent radical developments in the Rhodesian situation

emphasize contradictions that seem to complicate the

situation and test the ability of this Organization to deal

with such problems. It appears that the price the United

Nations has had to pay in respect of the continued power

of the illegal Ian Smith régime and its declaration of a

lawless political parturition is indeed a painful one. The

Smith régime should not be allowed to enforce its

rebellious will arbitrarily upon the innocent people of

Zimbabwe.

64. In spite of General Assembly resolution 2379 (XXIII)

of 25 October 1968, calling on the Government of the

United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland not

to grant independence to Southern Rhodesia unless that

independence was preceded by the establishment of a

government based on free elections by universal adult

suffrage and majority rule, the Southern Rhodesian rebels

have been permitted to set up an illegal republic. This

mockery of law and justice is something concrete which

calls for proper action by the United Kingdom. Its

negligence or refusal to give effect to the decisions of this

Assembly is indeed regrettable, to say the least. On the

other hand, the so-called referendum staged by the illegal

régime by which it claims majority support for declaring

itself a republic, has probably interjected into the illegal

process the fear of displeasure or the hope of favour in

respect of those who could have made their will felt in an

act which not only corrupted the event but also compounded

the illegal acts of the rebels. It is difficult for the

United Kingdom to excuse itself of responsibility for the

consequences of the acts of the Smith régime. It indeed

appears to be an anomaly to regard the one-time apparently

pitilessly and consistently democratic Kingdom of Great

Britain sitting by and permitting a flouting of its political

system by a handful of rebels. The history of that major

country is irreconcilable and curiously contrasted with its

tentative and at times almost apologetic approaches to the

Rhodesian problem.

65. Ian Smith seems successfully to have disregarded even

the decisions of the Security Council. That has been made

possible because of the acts of some big Powers designed to

beguile this Organization and also because of South Africa

and Portugal, which have not abided by the decisions of the

Security Council concerning sanctions. If this Organization

is to perpetuate itself effectively, there appears to be a

desperate need for some of its Members to re-evaluate their

attitudes and responsibilities regarding the United Nations,

its purposes and its expectations.

66. The result of the perennial adjuration to the Portuguese

Government to revise its attitude and observe the

resolution calling for the granting to the inhabitants of its

Territories the right to self-determination is frustration.

Repression and oppression constitute the mark of that

Government in its dependent Territories. Contempt alone

has been its reaction to international public opinion and the

commands of this Organization.

67. Let me recall a warning in my statement to the

twenty-third session of the General Assembly:

“...it is in Portugal’s own interest to formulate new

policies which will enable the peoples in the territories

under its domination to make a free choice of the future

direction they desire to pursue. It will sooner or later be

forced to do this, even if it refuses now, by historical

events which it cannot control“ [1698th meeting, para, 59].

68. In the Lusaka Manifesto on Southern Africa adopted

by the Fifth Summit Conference of East and Central

African States on 16 April 1969, it was asserted that the

world has a responsibility to take action against South

Africa in defence of humanity. That Manifesto was adopted

at the sixth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and

Government of the Organization of African Unity. But

expediency seems to be dictating the diffident, timid and

faint-hearted policy of the permanent members of the

Security Council.

69. It is certainly not an exaggeration to say that the

Organization has not been able to get hold of the whole,

problem of southern Africa. The world reserves of capacity

to control the atrocious suppression of human rights in

African Territories under Portuguese domination, Rhodesia,

Namibia and South Africa are considerable. The failure to

exert appropriate pressures on the authorities there have

resulted from the imbalance of often conflicting interests,

confused aspirations and misdirected tendencies. Perhaps it

is precisely in that direction that the Organization will have

to turn in order to be able to ensure the effectiveness of its

majority decisions. It is necessary that Members rededicate

themselves to giving their complete and unqualified support

to its work, to assuring unequivocal and earnest implementation

of its decisions, and to evidencing a positive reaction

that the Organization must concentrate if it is to meet the

demands of the community of nations.

70. This growing need for general progress in the work of

the Organization also applies to the work of the Conference

of the Committee on Disarmament. Disarmament is one of

the crucial issues in the world. Yet there has been no real

progress towards disarmament and I wonder whether we are

not backsliding. Armaments are increasing and chemical

and bacteriological weapons are being added to the mounting stocks.

71. We must be aware that we must earnestly seek

solutions to the many problems which create tensions,

especially since they are causes for armament. We must

remove apprehensions and suspicions and create conditions

of mutual respect and mutual confidence so as to maintain

international peace and security. Regrettably, expectations

have been disappointed.

72. On the matter of disarmament my delegation desires

to endorse the proposal of the Secretary-General in the

introduction to his annual report for a Disarmament

Decade in the 1970s [A/7601/Add.1, paras. 40-43].

73. The Committee organized on the initiative of the

former Foreign Minister of the Republic of Ireland [resolution

2006 (XIX)] has not yet been successful in recommending

an acceptable formula for the proper financing of

peace-keeping operations. That is indeed regrettable

because peace-keeping is an important function of our

Organization and should not be dependent on ad hoc

financing solutions.

74. A similar disappointment applies to the question of

the sea-bed, the ocean floor and the subsoil thereof beyond

the limits of national jurisdiction. Realizing the importance

of securing peace in that unexplored area of the globe, the

General Assembly appointed a special committee to study

the elaboration of legal principles and norms which would

promote co-operation in the area. A satisfactory result has

not yet been reached in that field.

75. Scientific and technological advancements are well

ahead of provisions to avoid and prevent in the area threats

to, or violations of, international peace and security. The

hope had not been spared for positive recommendations to

the Assembly by the special committee. During the meeting

of the Committee, the Liberian representative stressed the

urgent need to provide for a régime to regulate activities in

the area in order to avoid possible conflicts, but he

observed the over-cautious attitude assumed by some

members.

76. While it would be a mistake to assume that technological

changes, even when revolutionary, inevitably presuppose

new legal adaptations, in the last century they created

a wholly new social structure out of which new relations

became imperative — just as in the realm of outer space

today, technological progress has demanded the creation of

new relations. Knowledge of the sea-bed, unlike knowledge

of outer space, is more easily accessible on account of the

sea-bed’s proximity, and therefore the situation is more

likely to produce friction if preventive measures are not

urgently provided.

77. I submit that the solution of this problem is not as

easy as it may seem, and I agree that at the moment the

outlook is not promising. It is worth emphasizing that we

shall not succeed by any attempt to put new wine in old

barrels. The solution will have to be new and ingeniously

devised to accommodate all the interests of mankind as a

whole, relating to the entire marine environment.

78. The economic situation in the world is bleak and

disheartening. The First United Nations Development

Decade has been a failure. On the pronouncement by the

Assembly of the Second United Nations Development

Decade [see resolution 2411 (XXIII)], pursuant to a

recommendation by the Trade and Development Board,

common hopes and common aspirations were high. Accordingly,

the Group of Seventy-Seven convened a meeting of

the Inter-Governmental Group of UNCTAD early this

year, but the results were frustrating on account of the

new, noticeable trend of the developed countries to reduce

aid to developing countries. Such an attitude creates an

extremely delicate situation. We were flooded with concepts

such as “normalization and expansion of trade”,

“overlapping activities” and “economic independence” as

though they had some definite content in a vacuum. Such

generalities, however well meant, will not serve. Here lies

the substance of the failure, the disappointment and, of

course, the fear of the developing nations.

79. In recent years the part played by the developed

countries has been recognized as important, if not indispensable,

in world economic reconstruction, and it must not be

allowed to drift away. An important element in this

exercise is that the flow of assistance is a two-way carriage

system; it provides advantages not only at its destination

but also at its source and, measured over a long period of

time, suitable recommendations must be devised for its

continuance and improvement.

80. I am convinced that general economic improvement

and stability are necessary to ensure international peace and

security. The basis of that conviction lies in the fact that

today the world of nations seems to be characterized by an

unnatural and systematic economic disparity. I have always

believed in the adage that no chain is stronger than its

weakest link. The duty of the strong is, accordingly, clear

and inevitable and, if performed, will be a basis for world

stability.

81. The future of all endeavours in this field will depend

in great measure upon the willingness of the economically

strong to succour the weak, at least to a position of

strength. If later generations of the developing nations are

to acquire their deserved place among the developed

nations of the world, an increasing number of States, both

at the centre and at the periphery, must accept the

challenge and the responsibility to struggle together to

attain that goal.

82. In conclusion, our world needs peace in our time.

Technology and science continue to influence rapid change

and progress. Our task is formidable. Change and progress

must be channelled in a manner to ensure that man’s

condition is bettered, his welfare protected and his general

interest sought. At this session, the first after a major

conquest in the celestial sphere, it is the hope of my

delegation that our attention will be focused on this task

and that some decisions will place us on the long but sure

road to peace.