Liberia, 2002

It is my pleasing duty to

once again participate in this auspicious forum on

behalf of Mr. Charles Ghankay Taylor, President of the

Republic of Liberia, and to contribute to the debate of

this General Assembly.

17

At the outset, I wish to congratulate Mr. Jan

Kavan for his election as President of the General

Assembly at its fifty-seventh session and to assure him

of the full cooperation and support of the Liberian

delegation.

I also seize this opportunity to commend the

outgoing President, Mr. Han Seung-Soo of the

Republic of Korea, for the efficient and capable

manner in which he conducted the affairs of the fifty-

sixth session of the General Assembly.

It is my pleasing duty to congratulate the gallant

people of East Timor on their relentless struggle for

self-determination, leading to their independence this

year. It is also a privilege for me and my Government

to welcome and congratulate Switzerland on its

admission to membership of the United Nations.

A year ago, the world was plunged into deep

sadness as a result of gruesome acts of terrorism

committed right here in New York City and elsewhere

in the United States of America. In the wake of these

barbaric acts, we all entered a solemn collective pledge

to battle terrorism wherever it may exist. Consequently,

there was not only a strong condemnation of terrorism,

but also firm support for the campaign against

organized terrorist networks. We wish to reaffirm our

support for Security Council resolution 1373 (2001)

and the United Nations conventions and protocols

aimed at combating terrorism. The Government of

Liberia has forwarded those conventions not yet

ratified to the Liberian National Legislature for

ratification.

The consolidated and coordinated response

necessitated by terrorist attacks requires a firm

commitment to ensuring the passage of comprehensive

legislations to meet the new dimensions of terrorism,

the adoption of strict financial control regulations to

curtail funding for terrorism, the strengthening of

customs and immigration controls, the strict

enforcement of laws regulating arms traffic, and the

liberalization of the extradition conditions for persons

suspected of engaging in terrorism.

In the global war against terrorism, we must

further act to combat the root causes of terrorism. This

means that there is a need to take concrete steps to

combat deprivation, alienation, rejection, misery and

poverty.

Recent developments in the Middle East

involving Israel and the Palestinians are a cause for

grave concern, requiring urgent and concrete actions to

halt violence in that region. Both the Israelis and

Palestinians have justified claims, which must be

resolved in a manner other than the use of excessive

violence. Violence cannot produce peace, neither can it

be an arbiter of claims.

My Government is in full support of constructive

efforts that will help both sides to return to political

dialogue in their search for a negotiated settlement. We

therefore urge all stakeholders and facilitators of the

Middle East peace process to undertake meaningful

actions that will reduce the current level of antagonism

and violence in the region and to avoid any further

aggravation of the situation in the Middle East. As we

say in Liberia, “Let us not use fire to put out a fire.”

At the formation of the United Nations 57 years

ago, most of Africa was still under colonial rule and

therefore Africa's participation in the creation of a

global mechanism for collective security was limited to

Liberia, Ethiopia, Egypt and apartheid South Africa.

Today, Africa has formed itself into the African Union

and represents over 25 per cent of the membership of

the United Nations. Despite this fact, and considering

that most of the conflicts under consideration by the

Security Council are African conflicts, the continent's

participation in the deliberations of the Security

Council is grossly limited to non-permanent

representation with no right of veto. In essence, Africa

has no real voice in our world body even as it

deliberates on issues affecting our very existence as a

continent. This situation must change. Africa's

contribution to collective security cannot be limited to

participation in a debate that has no binding effect on

decisions taken by the post-war Powers.

Building upon the Organization of African

Unity's Mechanism for Conflict Prevention,

Management and Resolution, the African Union has

established a Peace and Security Council to promote

peace, security and stability in Africa, anticipate and

prevent conflict, develop a common defence policy,

and promote and implement peace-building and post-

conflict reconstruction activities. That organ will

provide the capacity for the management of African

conflicts by Africans and will thus form the initial

basis for Africa's contribution to collective peace and

security.

18

Many African States, including Liberia, have

provided peacekeepers to United Nations-mandated

peacekeeping missions around the world. Africa has

come of age to contribute to international peace and

security, not only because Africa has the capacity to do

so, but also, more importantly, because Africa is a

principal stakeholder in international peace and

security. Liberia therefore calls for the permanent

representation of Africa on the Security Council with

the right of veto. This is the resolve of all Africans.

The Government of Liberia considers the present

sanctions regime imposed on Liberia through Security

Council resolutions 1343 (2001) and 1408 (2002) as

punitive and unjust. Not only are the sanctions unjust,

but they have also created a grave humanitarian crisis

throughout the country. Although the Government of

Liberia has always regarded as unjust, unjustified and

punitive the imposition of United Nations sanctions on

the country, it has nevertheless consistently cooperated

with the Security Council, thus upholding that organ's

integrity.

The Government of Liberia is in full compliance

with the demands contained in paragraph 2(a) to (d) of

Security Council resolution 1343 (2001). These

demands constitute the only conditions for the lifting

of the sanctions on Liberia, as provided for in

paragraph 6 of resolution 1408 (2002). Essentially,

these demands called for the cessation of support for

the Revolutionary United Front (RUF), intended to lead

to progress in the peace process in Sierra Leone. In

order to ensure compliance with these demands, the

resolution imposed several punitive sanctions on

Liberia.

No one can dispute the fact that peace has been

restored to Sierra Leone and that the RUF no longer

exists. The defunct RUF has been demobilized and

disarmed by the United Nations Mission in Sierra

Leone (UNAMSIL). The RUF was transformed into a

political party, the Revolutionary United Front Party

(RUFP), which contested the elections in Sierra Leone

on 14 April 2002. All Sierra Leoneans, including the

RUFP, have accepted the results of the elections

without any challenge to the democratically elected

Government of Sierra Leone. The Government of

Liberia was represented at the inauguration of the

President of Sierra Leone and fully recognizes the

Government of President Alhaji Ahmad Tejan Kabbah

as the legitimate and democratically elected

Government of Sierra Leone.

Liberia is host to many Sierra Leonean refugees.

The policy of the Government of Liberia has been to

encourage the voluntary repatriation of all Sierra

Leonean refugees, in keeping with relevant

international conventions. To this end, the Government

of Liberia has facilitated the repatriation of Sierra

Leonean refugees by the Government of Sierra Leone

and the Office of the United Nations High

Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), a process that

is ongoing.

Since February of this year, 12,500 Sierra

Leonean refugees have been repatriated to Sierra

Leone. Another 5,000 have registered for repatriation

with the embassy of Sierra Leone in Monrovia and

UNHCR. At present, there are 25,000 Sierra Leonean

refugees still residing in Liberia under the care of

UNHCR.

How is it conceivable that Liberia can today

continue to be punished by the Security Council on

allegations of supporting a non-existent RUF in a non-

existent war in Sierra Leone, while the Liberian

Government provides protection for thousands of

Sierra Leonean refugees in Liberia?

It is conceivable because of the failure to

differentiate between demands and punitive sanctions.

The condition for the lifting of the sanctions, according

to the resolution, is compliance with the demands.

However, the sanctions have not been lifted because

the focus is not on the condition precedent for its

lifting, but on the sanctions themselves, as though

punitive sanctions were ends in themselves. It is

illogical to suggest that the condition required for

lifting the sanctions is the sanctions themselves. To

assert that would suggest that one would be rewarded

with a privilege if one refrained from exercising that

privilege. It is therefore confusing to speak in terms of

alleged violations of the sanctions as though they were

indicators of compliance with the demands, when, in

fact, it is compliance with the specific demands of the

Security Council resolution that constitutes the only

condition for lifting the sanctions.

In its last report on Liberia, the United Nations

Panel of Experts rightfully raised the moral dilemma

regarding the continuance of sanctions against Liberia

when the war in Sierra Leone was over. However, that

moral dilemma was not a dilemma for those subjecting

Liberia to unjust punitive sanctions, as morality had no

place in their political consideration.

19

If regional peace and security are the objectives

of the victimization of Liberia, how, then, do we

explain the conspiracy of silence surrounding the

prevailing war in Liberia waged by externally

supported armed non-State actors? Can one reasonably

expect peace to be consolidated in Sierra Leone or

maintained in the Mano River Union region when

aggression against Liberia is left unchecked? What

accounts for that conspiracy? Is it due to double

standards or to malice?

The current arms embargo imposed on Liberia in

the midst of a war waged against Liberia by externally

supported armed non-State actors has caused the

displacement of a third of the population, resulting in a

humanitarian crisis in the country. The arms embargo

has encouraged the war against Liberia because of the

perceived weakness of the Government to effectively

defend its territory. Furthermore, it should be noted

that the countries providing arms and ammunition to

the non-State actors operating in Liberia are in

violation of the arms embargo, and the Security

Council cannot ignore their actions.

The arms embargo imposed on Liberia is a

flagrant violation of Liberia's inherent right under

Article 51 of the Charter to defend itself against armed

attacks. That violation has not only led to impairment

of the Government's capacity to defend the nation; it

has also contributed to the resulting humanitarian crisis

that is the cause of immense human suffering in

Liberia.

The combined impact of the sanctions and the

ongoing war in Liberia is telling on every aspect of life

in the country. The sanctions have exacerbated the

problem of a fragile economy and have imposed

suffering on an already vulnerable population.

According to statistics of the United Nations

Development Programme (UNDP), the unemployment

rate in Liberia is estimated at 85 per cent, while 80 per

cent of the population lives below the poverty line.

Donor assistance to United Nations specialized

agencies and non-governmental organizations

operating in Liberia has substantially declined since the

imposition of sanctions.

The education and health sectors have suffered

serious disruptions since the imposition of sanctions.

Over 60 per cent of the children between the ages of 5

and 14 years were in school in 2000, compared with

about 45 per cent today. Infant mortality and life

expectancy rates have significantly deteriorated. Infant

mortality, which was 117 per 1,000 births in the year

2000, is now estimated at over 130, while life

expectancy has declined from 54 to 47. Of the 16

functioning hospitals and 25 health centres that were

operating in the country in 2000, only 11 hospitals and

15 health centres are still operating. At present, there

are 59,370 persons per doctor.

Prior to the sanctions, over 100,000 Liberians

were engaged in artisanal mining of diamonds, either

as operators or labourers. Taking into consideration the

average size of the extended family, which is 7, that

brings the number of Liberians directly or indirectly

impacted by the Security Council ban on Liberian

diamonds to more than 700,000.

A student at the University of Liberia wrote the

following in an assignment paper:

“The United Nations euphemism ‘selective

sanctions' is a laughable oxymoron, if not a myth.

The attempt to strangulate and destroy the

Liberian Government can in no way provide a

foolproof assurance that will guarantee the

immunity of ordinary Liberians from such

strangulation ... To regard the sanctions as

selective, one should, firstly, bury his conscience

to the plight of Liberians in their everyday living.

Sanctions are not selective when Liberians are

denied income and employment opportunities, or

when primeval darkness cannot become obsolete

in the face of modernity ... It is time, high time,

that the United Nations abandon its destruction of

the Liberian nation State.”

I join my compatriot in calling on the Security

Council to bring an end to the suffering and

victimization of Liberians by acting urgently to lift all

sanctions imposed on our vulnerable country.

Despite the current state of emergency and

critical conditions created as a result of United Nations

sanctions and the war waged by externally supported

armed non-State actors, the Government of Liberia

remains committed to democracy, the rule of law,

respect for human rights, national reconciliation and

national unity. To that end, a national reconciliation

conference has been organized by a steering committee

comprised of persons representing a cross section of

Liberian society. The first national plenary of the

conference was launched on 24 August 2002. The

conference was divided into five thematic subgroups:

20

finance and management, culture and history, good

governance, education and communication, and

national security.

Current diplomatic initiatives undertaken to bring

about peace in Liberia are proceeding at two levels,

that of the Economic Community of West African

States (ECOWAS) and that of Mano River Union,

which are parallel processes. At the ECOWAS level,

the objective of the process is the facilitation of a peace

process, especially with regard to bringing an end to

the activities of armed non-State actors, leading to an

end to the ongoing war inside Liberia. At the Mano

River Union level, the objective of the process is to

build confidence among member States of the Mano

River Union, the development of political will to

ensure good neighbourliness and the consequent

implementation of all decisions and protocols of the

Mano River Union, including those decisions taken

subsequent to the Moroccan initiative. His Majesty the

King of Morocco, who has maintained consultations

with the United Nations and major Powers, currently

facilitates that process.

Those parallel initiatives complement each other

and are not mutually exclusive. Settlement of the

internal conflict requires the cooperation of

neighbouring States. The destabilization of Liberia by

armed non-State actors and the resultant humanitarian

crisis have been and continue to be sustained by

external support, and no internal settlement can be

sustained in the absence of the cooperation of the

neighbouring States of the Mano River Union and

ECOWAS. It is therefore important to encourage the

Moroccan and ECOWAS initiatives as complementary

efforts and not to perceive those efforts as working at

cross purposes.

The restoration of peace and security to Liberia

can only be facilitated by ending the activities of armed

non-State actors, who sustain their activities through

external support. That would, therefore, require, as an

essential beginning, the cutting off of all external

support to armed non-State actors. The achievement of

that objective will require that the Mano River Union

member States adhere to the Non-Aggression and

Security Cooperation Treaty of the Mano River Union,

implement the 15th protocol to the Declaration of the

Mano River Union and implement all Mano River

Union decisions pursuant to the provisions of the 15th

protocol and those arising from the Moroccan

initiative. Fundamental among those decisions is the

decision of the Joint Security Committee, taken in

Conakry, Republic of Guinea, on 10 September 2001,

regarding the endemic problems of dissidents. That

decision called for the apprehension and repatriation to

their country of origin of all individuals, armed groups

and other paramilitary forces involved in the

destabilization of member States.

The ongoing war waged by externally supported

armed non-State actors against the democratically

elected Government of Liberia is a result of the total

disregard and violation of the agreements and decisions

of the Mano River Union. That war must be brought to

an end. The decision of the Mano River Union on the

endemic problems of dissidents was antecedent to the

end of the war in Sierra Leone and intended to put an

end to the destabilization of the region by armed non-

State actors and to create a mechanism for sustainable

peace and security within the Mano River Union

region. It is, therefore, imperative that no ambiguous

signals are sent to the armed non-State actors who are

currently destabilizing Liberia; otherwise, the efforts of

the Mano River Union, the United Nations Mission in

Sierra Leone and the international community as a

whole to consolidate peace and security would be

futile, and would thus undermine the security of the

entire region. It is, therefore, imperative that all armed

non-State actors be fully disarmed as an integral part of

the efforts of the international community to restore

peace to the Mano River Union region.

The consistent denial of the United Nations to

admit the Republic of China on Taiwan into this world

body is a violation of Article 4 of the Charter, which

specifically states that

“Membership in the United Nations is open

to all other peace-loving States which accept the

obligations contained in the present Charter and,

in the judgement of the Organization, are able and

willing to carry out these obligations.”

The 23 million peace-loving people of the

Republic of China deserve to be represented in the

United Nations. They have demonstrated their capacity

and willingness fully to live up to the obligations of

States Members of the United Nations, as they have

demonstrated in other world bodies. It is therefore the

conviction of the Liberian Government that the

Republic of China should be allowed representation

and participation in this world body. The Liberian

Government continues to hold the view that it is the

21

Chinese people themselves, under the principles of

democracy and of respect for human rights, who will

one day resolve the question of Chinese reunification.

Liberia encourages the continuation of the cross-straits

dialogue in the interest of the greater good of the

Chinese people.

Some scholars are of the view that the calculated

objective of some sanctions is the achievement of a

threshold of domestic suffering that will cause the

people to rise up and overthrow their Government. If

this is true, then it is also true that some sanctions are

not intended to achieve compliance with United

Nations demands, but to precipitate regime change

through rebellion against internal conditions of

suffering caused by sanctions. This may also explain

the indifference and insensitivity to the suffering of

people living in States under sanctions.

In the case of Liberia, the call for a study of the

potential impact of sanctions took effect only after the

imposition of sanctions, which gave an appearance of

some humanitarian concern for the people of Liberia.

Nevertheless, after 16 months of the application of

punitive sanctions against Liberia, the Security Council

is still trying to determine the impact of its sanctions

on our people. Will death represent an impact sufficient

to bring about some form of moral consternation and

restraint? But for every day that a Liberian must face

the agony of sanctions, the integrity of the United

Nations is undermined and its conscience put to the

test.

The Liberian people consider their current

suffering at the hands of the Security Council a

betrayal of the dream and aspiration which inspired

their forefathers to join in the formation of the United

Nations. With the benefit of hindsight, the Government

would have toiled in anguish as it participated in the

San Francisco Conference in 1945; not in doubt of the

principles we ascribed to, but in fear of the potential to

distort those sacred principles.

Yet we remain resolute and true to the ideals and

principles enshrined in the Charter, and we commit

ourselves to working with unrelenting perseverance for

the realization of peace, freedom, liberty and justice for

all peoples.