Ireland, 1982

First I should like to congratulate the President

of the thirty-seventh session of the General

Assembly on his election. I am quite sure that he

will carry out his functions as President with

great success. I should also like to pay a

tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Kittani of Iraq,

who presided over the last session with

distinction and leadership. I wish, too, to join

in congratulating the Secretary- General.

Although he has not yet been one year in office,

he has already established a justly deserved

reputation for integrity and for his efforts to

make the United Nations a more effective

instrument for peace.

2. I want also to associate myself with the

views already expressed by my colleague the

Minister for Foreign Affairs of Denmark, Mr.

Elle- mann-Jensen, on behalf of the 10 member

States of the European Community, to which

Ireland belongs.

3. As we begin this annual session of the

General Assembly the international outlook is

gloomy, even more gloomy than it was one year

ago. Over the past year relations between the

major Powers have deteriorated and this has had

an adverse effect on many other aspects of

international life. Furthermore there are at this

moment several wars and conflicts taking

place—between Iran and Iraq, between Ethiopia and

Somalia, in Afghanistan and in Central America.

In recent months the world has also seen a war

that should not have happened over the Falkland

Islands and an invasion of Lebanon by Israeli

forces which has led to tremendous loss of life

and brought great tragedy in its wake.

4. At the world level the arms race

continues, and the level of nuclear armaments is

greater than ever before. Conventional armaments,

too, are a major item in world trade. They now

occupy second place after oil. And these are

weapons which are actually being used in conflict

in many parts of the world.

177

5. In economic matters, too, the world

outlook is exceedingly gloomy, more gloomy

perhaps than it has been for many years. The

major industrialized coun¬tries are suffering

through a serious recession, with high

unemployment, inflation and high interest rates.

The less developed countries are poorer than ever

before, and many relatively prosperous countries

which appeared to have good economic prospects

have now run into major difficulties. These

trends, if left unchecked, could threaten the

stability of the whole international monetary

system.

6. It is clear that the problems facing the

world community in this month of September 1982

are indeed formidable. In many areas of

international life it would be no exaggeration to

speak of the present situation as one of serious

crisis.

7. What of the means available to the world

com¬munity to deal with these serious and

critical problems? How effective are the

Organization and the procedures which have

evolved since the Second World War in promoting a

sense of community and a common response to

international problems?

8. Here too, I believe, we can speak of a

crisis. The events of the past year, and of the

past six months in particular, seem to many

people around the world to have called most

seriously into question the effective¬ness and

relevance of the whole United Nations system as

an instrument for the maintenance of

international peace and security and for the

development of inter¬national co-operation.

9. We have available to us at the beginning

of this session a most important document: the

report of the Secretary-General on the work of

the Organization. It is, I venture to say, one of

the most important documents of recent years.

Ireland is extremely grateful to the

Secretary-General for his analysis, his insight

and his courage.

10. I know that many important problems are

already on the agenda or will be raised in the

course of the session. But I strongly believe

that in a deeper sense the real question before

us at this the 1982 session of the General

Assembly is how we respond, individually and

collectively, to the very basic issues raised by

the Secretary-General in his report.

11. The report itself is short, and all of it is of interest, but the

core of the report is a serious warning that the

world is now embarked on an exceedingly dangerous

course and that we are perilously near to a new

international anarchy. The present crisis in the

multilateral approach in international affairs

and the crisis of confidence in the United

Nations as an instrument for the maintenance of

peace and security are evidence of this. I

believe the Secretary-General was right in his

warning that the most urgent goal at present is

to re-establish the fundamental concept of the

Charter of the United Nations: that of collective

action for peace and security.

12. We all need to remember that the United

Nations in its origins was not simply an

idealistic concept. It was a serious organization

of States with a very serious purpose. It grew

cut of one major war—the most disastrous in human

history—and it was designed to prevent another.

It began as an organization of limited

membership, but it has now become an almost

universal world body, and it must be strengthened

and made more effective if it is to deal

adequately with world problems.

13. I have little doubt that most, or perhaps

all, of us who come here to this rostrum to speak

during the next few weeks of general debate win

speak highly of the Secretary-General's report.

This is what it merits. He has clearly identified

for us the problems, and he has gone farther by

pointing «ut and proposing a whole series of

measures which, if implemented, would do much to

improve the capacity of the United Nations to

keep the peace and to serve as a forum for

negotiations. On behalf of my Government, I

warmly endorse his ideas and proposals. in

par¬ticular, I agree with him when he urges a

more sys¬tematic use of the Security Council; a

more active approach to conflicts so that it is

not left to the judgment of the conflicting

parties whether or not the matter should be

raised in the Council; a greater use of

fact-finding missions and missions of good

offices; and a greater use by the

Secretary-General himself of his power under

Article 99 of the Charter to bring issues to the

attention of the Security Council. These, and the

many other useful ideas in the Secretary-

General's report, should in our view be

considered at a meeting of the Security Council

held at high political level, as the

Secretary-General has also proposed. From such a

meeting could emerge an improvement in procedures

and, far more important, a new sense of

commitment.

14. Those are only some among the many wise

ideas which the Secretary-General has put

forward. It is most important that he has invited

us to debate, and to think out seriously with him

what needs to be done. I think that we owe it to

him not simply to speak warmly of his report or

of some of his ideas and then leave it stand as

just another document. Rather, we must each

contribute what we can to the debate, and we must

then together ensure that the end result of all

this debate over the coming weeks will not be

words only but actions which each of us will

take, in so far as it is open to us to do so.

13. In contributing to this debate on what is

needed to strengthen the United Nations, I want

to emphasize three points which Ireland considers

particularly important at the present time of

crisis.

16. First, as I have already said, we need a

new and continuing commitment from every Member

State to strengthen and improve the United

Nations system and make it increasingly relevant

and effective. A particular commitment will be

needed from the great Powers which are permanent

members of the Security Council and which have a

very special role in the ' system. Ireland, for

its part, though it is a small country, willingly

makes such a commitment. We will do everything we

can to sustain and support the United Nations. We

will work with others in every way open to us to

make it more effective.

17. Secondly, there is a need to carry

through this commitment in practice. That means

that wherever there is a situation of conflict

between Member States all those involved must be

ready not only to invoke

the Charter, as they now do, to justify their

actions but to use the procedures of the United

Nations to the full before resorting in the first

instance to their own strength to vindicate their

rights.

18. Thirdly, there is a special need for the

Security Council and its permanent members in

particular, to be willing to follow through on

the decisions which the Council takes in order to

ensure that they are implemented. Nothing

contributes more to an impres¬sion of

ineffectiveness and irrelevance than an inability

or failure of the Council to do so. This has been

particularly evident over recent months.

19. Because of its importance, I should like

to spell out this third point in more detail.

Under the Charter, the Security Council has

power, through a whole range of measures, to

impose its decisions and to exercise authority.

Many of us would like to see a greater measure of

agreement within the Council, and among the

permanent members, on the use of that authority

to resolve international conflicts. We have come

to accept, however, that there are many issues

con¬cerning which the Council cannot agree in the

first instance on what should be done. But, when

the Coun¬cil does agree and does adopt a

resolution in relation to a conflict, it must

also be ready later, if necessary, to consider

the measures which may be needed to ensure that

the decision is implemented. If the Coun¬cil

repeatedly fails in this, it will soon lose all

authority. The case is even more obvious when, as

has happened several times in recent months in

regard to Lebanon, the initial Council decision

was unanimous.

20. These are three points which Ireland, as

a small country which has always tried to uphold

and support the United Nations and contribute to

its effectiveness as best it can, would think to

be fundamental.

21. But what specifically should now be done,

and by whom? I repeat that it is not enough to

commend the Secretary-General's report: we must

act on it. I would hope therefore that when this

general debate is finished, and when all

delegations that wish to do so have stated their

views, there can be serious con¬sideration of how

best to proceed.

22- In particular, I believe that it would be

important ^hat the Security Council—to the

effectiveness of which much of the document is

directed—should consider necessary action. For

its part, Ireland, as a member of the Security

Council until the end of 1982, would be willing

to support and work for such con¬sideration among

members of the Council with a view to finding the

best way to translate ideas into action. There is

no more important task before us at the present

time.

23. The need to restore respect for the

Charter and for the authority and status of the

United Nations is mcst forcefully demonstrated by

recent events in the Middle East. The situation

there, already complex and seemingly intractable,

has been greatly aggravated by Israel's invasion

of Lebanon and its continuing presence there.

Many resolutions of the Security Council, despite

the authority which they carry under the Charter,

have been defied or ignored, and have remained

unimplemented for over four months.

24. Israel's invasion of Lebanon, carried out

in the name of its security, has brought with it

death and destruction. Israel has continued its

occupation, an occupation which, I must say in

all candor, shows no sign of ending despite the

repeated calls of the Security Council; despite

the stated wishes of the Government of Lebanon

and, not least, despite Israel's own claim that

it does not covet even one inch of Lebanese

territory. In the past few weeks, the situation

has deteriorated even further. The occupation of

west Beirut, with the declared objective of

main¬taining law and order, has brought in its

train deeds that have shocked the world.

25. The Irish Government and people are

horrified at the wanton murder of Palestinian

civilians in the Shatila and Sabra camps, and we

join in condemna¬tion of those who perpetrated

those dreadful crimes. The murder of the

Palestinian civilians, whoever carried them out,

took place when Israeli forceshad assumed control

of the area, and Israel must accord¬ingly carry

considerable responsibility.

26. The people of Lebanon have suffered much

in recent years. They must be enabled to

re-establish the authority of their central

Government. The full sovereignty, independence

and territorial integrity of Lebanon must be

restored. To this end, the Israeli forces must

withdraw immediately from Beirut as a first step

to their complete withdrawal from all Lebanese

territory. Withdrawal by Israel from Lebanon was

unanimously demanded by the Security Council

nearly four months ago. We believe that all

foreign forces whose presence has not been

authorized by the Government of Lebanon should

now leave Lebanon.

27. Lebanon has been a casualty of the wider

conflict of the Middle East, and that conflict

remains un¬resolved. What is now needed is real

progress towards negotiation aimed at

reconciliation of two basic rights: that of all

States, including Israel, to exist within secure

and recognized boundaries; and that of the

Palestinians to self-determination and statehood,

if they so wish.

28. Such reconciliation cannot be achieved

through efforts to suppress or abridge the rights

of other parties. The bloody events of recent

months testify to that reality. The parties

should now accept that those basic rights must be

reconciled within the framework of a

comprehensive and negotiated settlement, with the

direct participation of all concerned, including

the Palestine Liberation Organization [FLO],

whose role in representing the Palestinian people

we recognize.

29. Despite the events of recent weeks, there

is also encouraging evidence of a new willingness

to break the deadlock which has prevented

progress towards a comprehensive and just

solution of the Middle East problem. The

initiative announced by President Reagan on I

September provides a significant oppor¬tunity to

make progress in the direction I have out¬lined.

The declaration adopted at the Twelfth Arab

Summit Conference at Fez must also be regarded

as an important and substantive contri¬bution to

a search for an equitable settlement. And because

both these developments together offer hope for

the future, they deserve the most serious

considera¬tion by all the parties concerned.

30. The United Nations has over the years

played an important and at times crucial role in

the search for a peace settlement in the Middle

East. It has served to set forth proposals and

principles for a settlement; it has been a forum

for negotiations; and it has actively helped to

maintain peace through its peace-keeping and

observation missions. I believe that the United

Nations can and should play a role of similar

im¬portance in the future. Security Council

resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) have set

down fundamental —even if now

incomplete—principles for a settlement. These

principles must be augmented and completed. The

recent joint initiative by France and Egypt in

the Security Council provides an opportunity for

dis¬cussion at the appropriate time on how these

prin¬ciples might be completed. But this

elaboration of, so to speak, a juridical

foundation alone will not be enough.

31. As the Secretary-General stated in his

report, "It is absolutely essential that serious

negotiations on the various aspects of that

problem involve all the parties concerned at the

earliest possible time." I urge that careful

consideration be given to two points made by the

Secretary-General concerning a possible role for

the Security Council in this regard. First, the

Security Council is the only place in the world

where all the parties concerned, and particularly

Israel and the PLO, at present sit at the same

table. Second, given a will by the parties to

negotiate seriously, it should be possible within

the Security Council to work out procedures and

rules, new if necessary, to govern substantive

negotiations.

32. Recent events in the Middle East, in

particular in Lebanon, have focused attention on

the peace¬keeping role of the United Nations. The

development of peace-keeping is, I believe, one

of the most im¬portant achievements of the

Organization, and it gives effect in a practical

and tangible way to the commit¬ment of Member

States to the Charter. Peace-keeping activities

have increased in scope and significance over the

years and have evolved in response to the needs

of particular situations. Precisely because the

concept of peace-keeping is still evolving, I

believe it is necessary to keep it under review.

In the light of events in Lebanon in particular,

we should determine where weaknesses exist and

decide how they can be remedied.

33. Ireland's experience in United Nations

peace¬keeping over the years leads us to draw

certain con¬clusions about the circumstances in

which it can make a useful contribution and about

the political and prac¬tical conditions necessary

for peace-keeping to function effectively. First,

peace-keeping operations are intended to assist

in the control of conflict and in the search for

a peaceful solution. It follows that they are

essentially a temporary measure and only one part

of a peace-making process. Efforts to resolve the

causes of the conflict must continue. Secondly,

peace¬keeping missions must have the consent of

the coun¬tries in whose territories they are

stationed and the co-operation of all the parties

concerned. This dis¬tinguishes peace-keeping from

peace-enforcement. Thirdly, the peace-keeping

force must have a clear and unambiguous mandate.

Fourthly, the force must have freedom of movement

throughout the area assigned to it and must have

conditions of adequate security for its

personnel. Fifthly, United Nations peace-keeping

operations must at all times have firm support

and backing of the Organization—in particular of

the Security Council and its members— and a,

strong and assured financial basis.

34. The events in Lebanon demonstrate the

im¬portance of these five conditions. It is clear

that, in the case of UNIFIL, these conditions

were not fulfilled. Despite this, UNIFIL played

an indis¬pensable part in controlling conflict up

to the Israeli invasion last June. Even now

UNIFIL, in its reduced and limited role,

maintains stable conditions in its area of

operations. But this is quite inadequate. If

UNIFIL or other United Nations forces are to play

an effective role in assisting the Government of

Lebanon to restore full Lebanese sovereignty,

independence and terri¬torial integrity, the

Security Council and the interna¬tional community

must ensure that the conditions I have listed

already are fully observed.

33. I should like to pay a tribute to the courage

and devotion to duty shown by all those involved

in United Nations peace-keeping operations,

particularly in UNIFIL and UNTSO. Several Member

States, including my own, have suffered through

the death and injury of their soldiers serving

under the United Nations Hag in the cause of

peace. I extend my sympathy to the relatives and

the comrades of Com¬mandant Nestor and the other

observers killed by mine explosions in Beirut in

the past few days. United Nations peace-keeping

forces have shown resilience and constant courage

in the face of very difficult circumstances. It

is for us to show respect for that courage by

acting to bring about effective conditions in

which they can discharge their vital task.

36. In the 1960s and 1970s, after years of

confronta¬tion and cold war, East and West seemed

to be edging towards recognition of their common

interest in avoiding war and in promoting

mutually beneficial co-operation.

37. The situation today is very different.

Mutual suspicion and growing confrontation have

replaced the cautious confidence of the 1960s and

early 1970s and the limited co-operation that had

been achieved. The decline in the political

relations between East and West, particularly

between the super-Powers and the alliances, has

also affected arms control and disarma¬ment

negotiations. There will now be a further

escalation in the arms race unless urgent and

sustained efforts are made to reach agreement in

current nego¬tiations.

38. We believe it is necessary to build upon

common interests and to enlarge the areas whereconflicting

interests can be reconciled or accommodated.

Dialogue between East and West must therefore

continue through bilateral and multilateral

channels. And if such a dialogue is to lead to

substantive results, all sides must be willing to

act with restraint and realism.

39. On the political level, the crisis of

authority in Poland and the sustained repression

of elementary social and civil rights contrary to

the Helsinki Final Act^ undermine the credibility

of detente. As long as those conditions remain,

they will hinder progress on a wide range of

East-West negotiations including, in particular,

the discussions at the Conference on Security and

Co-operation in Europe. Likewise, the Soviet

invasion and continuing military occupation of

Afghanistan must inevitably have a similar

adverse effect.

40. None the less, it must be emphasized that

sus¬tained efforts at arms control and

disarmament are valid for their own sake. It is

indispensable to try to contain, reduce and

ultimately eliminate the threat posed by the arms

race, particularly in nuclear weapons. It is also

necessary in the meantime to ensure that new

weapons and technologies do not undermine or

destabilize the already fragile strategic

relationship. It follows that while the adverse

political climate is bound to complicate existing

negotiations, arms control and disarmament

efforts—bilateral, regional and

multilateral—should nevertheless not be

subordinated to the solution of wider political

problems.

41. My Government was very disappointed at

the outcome of the recent twelfth special

session, the second special session on

disarmament. But we cannot abandon efforts to

achieve realistic goals aimed at putting an end

to the arms race and reducing arma¬ments—both

nuclear and conventional. World opinion,

increasingly concerned about the threat posed by

nuclear weapons, demands that we redouble our

efforts. My Government will always support

genuine and realistic arms control and

disarmament proposals.

42. The highest priority must be given to

nuclear disarmament in order to halt and reverse

the ceaseless build-up of nuclear arms. It is our

earnest hope that the negotiations between the

Soviet Union and the United States on

intermediate and strategic weapons will reach an

early and successful conclusion.

43. I should like to reiterate the proposal

for an agreement on a moratorium on the

introduction of any further strategic nuclear

weapons or delivery vehicles, proposed by the

Prime Minister of Ireland, Mr. Haughey, during

the twelfth special session. The moratorium would

be for an initial period of two years but would

be renewable by mutual consent. An agreement

along these lines would, I believe, be a

significant step towards the restora¬tion of

confidence.

44. A comprehensive test-ban treaty, or at

the very least a moratorium on all nuclear tests,

remains an urgent necessity. An end to testing

would slow down the rate of qualitative

improvement of nuclear weapons and would be a

valuable contribution by nuclear States to

stopping the spread of nuclear weapons.

43. There are, of course, many other areas in

which progress must be made. I would highlight in

particular the need for a chemical weapons

convention, the banning of all weapons from outer

space and progress on conventional disarmament.

46. If the outlook elsewhere is more sombre and

troubling than it was a year ago, the prospect

for Namibia seems more hopeful. The Israel

Government is concerned that the momentum of the

negotiations to implement the United Nations plan

for Namibian independence should not be lost.

Ireland has fully supported the efforts of the

Secretary-General, the contact group of five

Western States, the front-line States and the

South West Africa People's Organiza-tion [SWAPO]

to secure implementation now. In our view, any

further delay will endanger the prospects for a

peaceful settlement. It is vital that the

Assembly at this session focus its efforts on

assisting the Secre¬tary-General to bring about a

settlement.

47. Throughout the long history of the effort to help the people of Namibia

win freedom and live in peace, it has been clear

that a settlement through negotiation is possible

only if there is a sincere desire on the part of

all concerned to achieve this. The implementation

of the United Nations plan based on Security

Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978)

would enable the international community to

discharge its unique responsibility for Namibia

and to demonstrate that the machinery of the

United Nations can be used effectively to resolve

a major international issue.

48. The United Nations plan does not and,

indeed, cannot contain a blueprint for the future

relations of all the States of southern Africa

and it will not resolve all the issues in the

region. But its implementation would be an

important step in that direction. If South Africa

now obstructs its implementation, thereby

preventing a peaceful conclusion to the

decolonization process in southern Africa, it

will bear a heavy responsibility for the conflict

and suffering which may follow.

49. At the root of the dangerous and tragic

situation in southern Africa today is the policy

of pursued by South Africa. This system of

institu¬tionalized racial discrimination is

unique and is rightly the object of universal

condemnation.

50. Ireland condemns South Africa's apartheid

system unreservedly and we are committed to

opposing it strongly and actively, working in

concert with the international community, The

pass laws, banning and detention regulations all

continue to result in intense human suffering.

This year, when Nelson Mandela will have spent 20

years in goal, we are particularly concerned at

the plight of political prisoners, including

those members of the African National Congress

who are currently under sentence of death. We

urge the South African Government to commute

those sentences.

51. There is some evidence of increased

debate among the white community in South

Africa—for example, in the search for new

constitutional struc¬tures. Unfortunately, this

does not address the core of the problem or the

basic framework of the apartheid system. The

crisis that South Africa faces is now so deep

that only a radical new approach can avert a

further descent into violence.

52. In seeking to divert attention from its

internal problems, it seems that South Africa may

be endeavoring to destabilize neighbouring

States. We view with the utmost concern any

actions having that objective. We will continue

to support the efforts of the front-line States

to consolidate their hard-won independence.

53. Over the past year, conflicts in Latin

America were also a matter of concern to the

international community. In the view of my

Government, the armed conflict over the Falkland

Islands (Malvinas) earlier this year was an

unnecessary conflict. We very much deplore the

use of force contrary to the principles of the

Charter, the failure to comply with Security

Council resolution 502 (1982) and the fact that a

peace¬ful solution offered through the United

Nations did not prove possible. It is our hope

that the parties will be able actively to pursue

a peaceful settlement of their continuing dispute.

54. The Irish Government and people are also

con¬cerned at the instability, the violence and

the viola¬tions of human rights in Central

America. We are convinced that it is necessary to

remedy the under¬lying economic and social causes

of tension in the area, to end all foreign

interference and to seek political solutions to

conflicts in the area through dialogue and

negotiations.

55. There is a growing acceptance that the

interna¬tional community has a responsibility for

the remedy of serious human rights abuses. I

welcome the personal commitment repeatedly

expressed by the new Secretary-General to the

human rights program of the United Nations and

his efforts to strengthen the Secre¬tariat in

that field.

56. It is necessary for continued progress

that inves¬tigations of human rights abuses

should be seen to be fair. It is also important

that States concerned in investigations should

co-operate with the Secretary- general or other

appointed personsin the implementa¬tion of our

decisions, bearing in mind the primary

responsibility of States to ensure that human

rights are respected within their own areas of

jurisdiction.

57. The Declaration on the Elimination of All

Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination Based

on Religion or Belief, adopted last year by the

General assembly is an important addition to the

several human rights instruments adopted since

the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in

1948. Ireland believes that further steps should

be taken to draw the attention of the peoples of

the world to this Declaration.

58. In the historical perspective, we have

indeed seen considerable progress in the area of

human rights. But serious violations of human

rights in many parts of the world continue to

affront our sense of the value of the human

person. Massacres of large numbers of innocent

civilians have taken place recently in Lebanon,

Guatemala and E! Salvador.

59. There are other countries where we have

less certain knowledge of such appalling

violations of the right to life but where there

is reason to believe that such violations do

indeed take place. There are still other areas

where civil and political rights are suppressed

sporadically or even on a systematic basis.

Abuses of human rights, such as disappearances,

are a most troubling recent feature.

60. A general report by the Secretary-Genera!

on the international human rights situation to

the As¬sembly at regular intervals could help the

international community to recognize at an early

stage the emer¬gence of a pattern of such abuses

and thus to take effective action against them;

61. The world at present has major problems

in the economic field. Of particular importance

is the problem of development, which is at once a

political and an economic issue. Because of this

and because of its universal nature the United

Nations has a vital role to play in the

North-South dialogue. There is an urgent need to

promote the changes necessary to redress the

structural imbalances in the world economy and to

accelerate the rate of growth in developing

countries.

62. The economic difficulties facing all

countries remain serious and are likely to

continue for some time. Large fiscal deficits,

concern about inflation and tight monetary

policies have raised real interest rates in the

industrialized countries to unprecedented levels.

These measures have far-reaching conse¬quences,

depressing the export earnings of hard- pressed

developing nations and curtailing their already

low growth rates. Low-income countries have been

particularly hard hit by the recession in the

indus¬trialized countries. Poverty, malnutrition,

disease and illiteracy remain daily realities for

the vast majority of the world's population.

63. Ireland fully supports the central role

that the United Nations system has to play in any

realistic program for global recovery. In

particular, we urge that the challenge of

furthering and deepening the relationship between

developed and developing nations be met by the

early launching of global negotiations. We

believe that the industrialized nations must now

do everything possible to ensure that a new and

effective dialogue with the developing countries

gets under way.

64. In the longer term we look to the sixth

session of UNCTAD in June of next year to improve

under¬standing of the real problems of developed

and devel¬oping countries, to promote the revival

of the interna¬tional economy and to give a new

impetus to the progress of developing countries.

65. I am pleased that the lengthy work of the

Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the

Sea has been concluded with the adoption by the

overwhelming majority of the States represented

here of the text of the Convention on the law of

the sea.^ It is indeed an achievement of which

the United Nations can be justly proud. Our task,

however, is not finished. The adoption of the

Convention is only the first step in the process

of giving to the provisions of the Con¬vention so

painstakingly negotiated the status of generally

accepted guiding rules for theorderly use of the

seas and their resources. In the course of the

negotiations it was constantly stressed by all

the parties involved that the Convention is a

carefully balanced package which should not be

the subject of piecemeal acceptance by States.

66. We must now ensure that the integrity of

this comprehensive Convention is maintained. We

must also ensure that the new international body

which it established, the International Sea-Bed

Authority, can begin to function at an early

stage. It is the hope of my Government that such

will be the support for the ' Convention that the

Preparatory Commission for the International

Sea-Bed Authority and for the Interna¬tional

Tribunal for the Law of the Sea can be convened

quickly to facilitate the smooth functioning of

the Convention and the effective operation of the

bodies which it establishes.

67. I therefore urge all Member States to

support the Convention and endorse its provisions

by signing it at the earliest possible time. It

is the intention of the Irish Government to do so.

68. I would like now to turn to a particular

difficulty which we face in Ireland and in

relation to which I ask for your sympathy and

your understanding. I refer to the Northern

Ireland situation.

69. I do not need to dwell on the tragic

effects of the continuing unrest in Northern

Ireland. Since the out- break some 12 years ago

of the present cycle of violence, up to 2,400

people have been killed and over 25,000 people

have suffered serious injury. The destruction of

property has amounted to hundreds of millions of

pounds.

70. The economy of Northern Ireland has

suffered heavily and remains in decline. Among

the worst effects, however, has been the damage

to the social fabric of society. A new generate t

is now growing up in Northern Ireland in

conditions in which violence and confrontation,

hatred and division, form part of the pattern of

everyday life.

71. Nor has the burden of the unrest been

confined to the six countries of Northern Ireland

alone. Death and destruction have taken place in

Britain, and in financial terms the cost to

Britain has been a heavy one. We in the rest of

Ireland have also suffered death and destruction,

and the Northern Ireland situa¬tion has involved

for us an additional expenditure of over 100

million pounds each year on maintaining security.

72. Common sense should compel us all, if

only on the ground of our mutual interests, to

seek a just and lasting settlements of this

intolerable situation, a settlement which, if it

is to be effective, must take into account the

fundamental nature of the problem. The Irish

Government, for its part, has declared this task

to be its first political priority.

73. The roots of the problem lie in a complex

of historical circumstances in which social,

religious, economic and political factors have

all played their part. We believe, however, that

in any objective analysis of the problem one

factor emerges clearly and inescapably: the

constitutional arrangements made in the 1920s

have failed to provide a just and workable basis

for peace and stability in Northern Ireland.

74. The experiment of partitioning Ireland

has obviously failed. The consequences of that

failure include the tension in Northern Ireland

which has erupted into violence in almost every

decade since the island of Ireland was divided.

The development of the full economic, political

and social potential of the island as a whole has

been slowed down as a result of partition.

Barriers have been erected where none should

exist; the small island of Ireland has an

artificial political division, and within

Northern Ireland itself a community of one and a

half million people is split by dissension that

is irrelevant to the demands of today.

75. The Irish Government, on whose behalf I

address you today, seeks to remove all barriers

and divisions within Ireland. We seek to do so

only through peaceful means. We condemn utterly

and reject totally violence and terrorist

activity no matter what its source. The

atrocities committed by men and women of violence

on all sides are inherently evil. They are also

ultimately futile and counterproductive as a

means of promoting political change. They serve

only to increase bitterness, to deepen

intransigent attitudes and above all to post¬pone

the day of settlement. The road to peace lies

only in the removal of barriers and in the coming

together of all the Irish traditions.

76. We believe that the way forward is for

the two Governments—the Government of Ireland and

the British Government—to work together to this

end. Two years ago we moved in that direction

when both our Governments accepted, in the

context of the Northern Ireland situation, the

need to bring forward policies to achieve peace,

reconciliation and stability and to improve

relations between our two countries. This

development and the subsequent progress in

identifying concrete areas of co-operation were

widely welcomed as holding out the hope of a new

and positive relationship between our two

countries, breaking down barriers and creating a

dialogue of understanding and good will in which

the Northern Ireland problem could be effectively

tackled.

77. We shall persist in our efforts to win

widespread support for our policy which we are

convinced offers the only prospect of an

effective long-term solution. Our objective is to

bring about the emergence in Ireland of agreed

political structures which will accommodate the

different but complementary Irish traditions.

78. We ask Britain to join with us in working

towards the achievement of that objective and, in

doing so, remove the last barrier to the

development of normal relations between the

peoples of the two islands. And we ask all

Governments represented here today to assist us

on the difficult road towards reconciliation,

peace and stability.