Ireland, 2004

I first addressed the

General Assembly in the year 2000. The millennium

year was a time of great hope, reflected in the outcome

of the Millennium Summit. World leaders committed

the peoples of the planet to a new beginning in which

the dawn of the twenty-first century would mark a

break from the past, with a new sharing of burdens,

and a new common dedication to peace and human

progress.

Today the light of that new dawn is obscured by

the dark clouds of war, terror, ethnic violence and

continuing abuse of human rights. Twelve months ago

and again this week, the Secretary-General pointed out

that the Organization is at a fork in the road and that

we have to decide on the way forward. Much work has

been undertaken since the Secretary-General laid down

that challenge. The High-level Panel on Threats,

Challenges and Change is working on its report. I am

pleased to recall that the European Union (EU) made a

detailed submission to the Panel, drawn up during

Ireland's recent presidency of the Union. We also took

a decision to mainstream the issue of effective

multilateralism in the Unionís discussions with other

regional groups.

We await the Panel's report and the Secretary-

Generalís recommendations that will follow. In his

address on Tuesday, the Secretary-General expressed

the hope that when the heads of State and Government

meet next year to review progress on the Millennium

Declaration they will be ready to take bold decisions.

They must, because the longer we linger at the fork in

the road, the more difficult will be the road ahead.

We cannot afford to postpone action. More and

more citizens of the world are questioning whether the

United Nations has the capacity, or even the will, to

prevent conflict and protect the vulnerable from

injustice. They are becoming increasingly disillusioned

with an Organization which either cannot take

decisions or whose decisions are ignored with

impunity. They see the politics of the lowest common

denominator in operation, with strong and sensible

draft resolutions watered down to mere platitudes.

They hear the United Nations being denigrated by

those who make a virtue of their determination to put

national interests above all other considerations. They

fear that the Organization is no longer driven by the

determination and idealism of the founding fathers.

My Prime Minister, Taoiseach Bertie Ahern,

made clear last year, when he addressed the General

Assembly, where the fault lies. It lies with us, the

Governments of the Member States. We have a strong

and much respected Secretary-General in Kofi Annan.

We have brave and dedicated officials. Many have put

their lives on the line for the Organization and what it

stands for. Some have made the ultimate sacrifice. United

Nations staff deserve better protection in the future.

It is time for the Governments of Member States

to act. We need, as the Secretary-General put it, to seek

common solutions to common problems. That will

require political will and effective structures. Neither

one on its own will suffice. The essential requirement

is a more effective system of collective security. Such a

system requires the unique legitimacy offered by an

effective United Nations and its Charter.

It is clear that the composition of the Security

Council no longer accurately reflects global

geopolitical realities. In Irelandís view, a modest and

regionally balanced increase in its membership, both in

the permanent and non-permanent categories, is

justified. Increased representation from the developing

world would enhance its legitimacy, and thereby its

effectiveness.

But a more effective Security Council will need

more than a change in structures. There has to be a

change in attitudes. Those States that sit on the Security

Council have a responsibility to rise above national or

regional interests and act in the wider interests of

mankind. That is an obligation that rests on each and

every member of the Council. But those who either

assert or aspire to positions of world leadership - and

there is no shortage of candidates - bear a particular

responsibility to act in the global interest.

Putting national interests first is not an effective

answer to the challenges that confront us. It may be a

clichÈ to say that our planet is shrinking, but that does

not make it any less true. While most of us continue to

wish to organize and govern ourselves primarily within

the framework of the nation-State, we must recognize

that technological development and economic

37

integration are impairing the effectiveness of the

nation-State as a defensive bastion.

Power and influence must be used in the interests

of the international community as a whole, rather than

for the pursuit of narrow, short-term interests. States

and regions have broad and varied interests, both

individual and collective. Our system must

accommodate and reconcile those interests. Otherwise

we are doomed to division between those who would

impose hegemony and those who would resist it.

In his report on the implementation of the

Millennium Declaration, the Secretary-General has

warned that the world is falling short in its

performance towards the achievement of the

Millennium Development Goals. In sub-Saharan Africa

especially, many countries are caught in a poverty trap

and face the crippling challenges of unsustainable debt

and HIV/AIDS, often compounded by instability.

Ireland fully recognizes the seriousness of the

shortfall in development funding that faces us, which is

presently estimated at Ä50 billion per year. The best

means of bridging that gap is for donor nations to

recommit themselves to reaching the United Nations

target for official development assistance of 0.7 per

cent of gross national product. The Irish Government

remains committed to that goal. Ireland, which has

increased its official development assistance very

substantially in recent years, will continue working

actively with its developing country partners to build a

strong global partnership for development.

Economic and social development is the means

by which the worldís poorer countries can be lifted out

of poverty. An open international trading regime aimed

at facilitating investment is an integral part of our

multilateral system, and fair market access is an

essential part of that. Some developing countries

estimate that, in a best-case scenario, a successful

outcome to the Doha Round could help raise up to 500

million people out of extreme poverty. Fairer

international trading arrangements are imperative if we

are to address the problems of underdevelopment.

Ireland and its European Union partners are determined

not to be found wanting in the task of bringing the

Doha Round of multilateral trade negotiations, finally,

to a conclusion, with an agreement that meets the

essential concerns of all sides.

Over the past year we have once again seen that

the failure of State institutions is a major source of

conflict and human misery. The responsibility for

protecting people from conflict and the effects of

conflict, and from humanitarian catastrophe, lies

primarily with the Governments concerned. However,

it has been well demonstrated that events within a

particular country can threaten international peace and

security and spread misery far beyond its borders.

Where Governments are unable or unwilling to take the

necessary steps to prevent catastrophe in their own

country, I believe that the international community has

responsibilities to protect in those circumstances.

It is increasingly evident that instability very

frequently arises from situations where human rights

are abused or denied. The abuse of human rights is also

at the root of poverty and underdevelopment. Respect

for human rights, on the other hand, is an essential

element of good governance, and must be at the centre

of efforts to prevent conflict, and of post-conflict

reconstruction. Presently, 40 per cent of conflicts that

appear to have been resolved break out again within

five years. We simply must do better in identifying

emerging problems sooner. We also need to put in

place policies and structures that are effective within a

new, enforceable legal framework.

I hope, therefore, that the High-level Panel will

address the serious questions involved in international

intervention, and put forward recommendations that

will act as a basis for consensus. We trust that they will

also give full and careful consideration to the policies

and structures that we need in order to carry out our

responsibilities towards States and societies at risk of

instability. Any such structures must facilitate a

sustained engagement with those States, to ensure that

they receive whatever assistance is needed - political,

humanitarian and economic - to avert instability or a

return to conflict. In addressing those problems on the

basis of the report of the High-level Panel, let us not

sacrifice substance on the altar of process.

Ireland welcomes the increasing role of regional

and subregional organizations in crisis management,

under the overall authority of the Security Council. The

European Union is engaged in developing its role in

conflict prevention and crisis management, while fully

recognizing the central role and authority of the United

Nations. I am pleased to state that during Irelandís

recent presidency of the European Union, important

progress was achieved in implementing the Joint

Declaration on United Nations-European Union

Cooperation in Crisis Management. It was agreed in

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June, during our presidency, that the European Union

will make a rapid response capability available, and at

the service of the United Nations. That will take effect

on an initial basis in 2005, with the full complement of

1,500 troops being ready and available by 2007.

The efforts of the African Union and the

Economic Community of West African States in crisis

management have been particularly valuable and

deserve support. The African Unionís involvement in

Darfur, where it currently has 120 monitors with a

protection force of 300, is an extremely positive

development. It is fully supported by the European

Union, including through the African Peace Facility,

established during Irelandís recent presidency of the

Union. The African Union is planning to augment its

contingent in Sudan, where it is estimated that a force

of at least 5,000 may be necessary to assure a secure

environment for the people of Darfur. The European

Union is ready to increase its backing for the African

Unionís effort accordingly.

Whatever political difficulties may have arisen in

Darfur, the people there did not deserve to suffer

massacre, rape and famine, or to see their villages and

crops destroyed and their livestock driven off. When

the depredations of the ruthless militias were unleashed

upon them, they looked in vain for the even-handed

protection of their Government.

I want to recognize the efforts of United Nations

agencies and non-governmental organizations ó

including Irish organizations such as GOAL, Concern

and TrÛcaire ó that responded so quickly and

generously to the humanitarian crisis in Darfur. The

dedication of humanitarian aid workers must also be

applauded.

The humanitarian needs in Darfur still remain

immense. I appeal for continued support from the

international community to meet the funding shortfall.

Ireland has contributed almost $6 million in

Government-funded aid so far this year to assist the

humanitarian effort there through United Nations

agencies as well as through Irish and international non-

governmental organizations. The Irish people have

been greatly moved by the suffering in Darfur and have

been generous in providing additional, non-government

financial support for the relief effort.

I also wish to pay tribute to the leadership of the

Secretary-General in insisting on an appropriate

response from the Security Council. I welcome the

recent adoption by the Security Council of resolution

1564 (2004), although it is a matter of regret and

bewilderment to many that the resolution did not

receive the unanimous backing of Council members. I

hope that the Council will now unite in seeking to

assert its will and bring an end to a situation that is an

affront to humanity.

I urge the authorities in the Sudan to fulfil, with

the utmost urgency, the obligations that have been

imposed on them by the Security Council. They must

cooperate closely with the monitors deployed by the

African Union. They must ensure that the Janjaweed

militia are brought under control and disarmed and that

persons responsible for crimes and serious violations of

human rights are brought to justice. And they must

ensure that secure conditions are restored so that

people can return voluntarily to their homes. I also

urge all parties in the Abuja talks, including the rebel

groups, to show flexibility and goodwill so that the

underlying problems of Darfur can be resolved in a

peaceful manner.

Once again, we meet in the General Assembly

Hall under the shadow of terrorism. The recent

appalling images from Beslan provide a further

emphatic demonstration of the moral bankruptcy of

terrorism. The fact that those attacks targeted innocent

children, along with the consequent trauma caused to

children worldwide who saw the torn bodies of the

children and mothers of Beslan on their television

screens, make them all the more heinous. They

reinforce, if reinforcement were needed, the absolute

duty of Member States of the United Nations to

cooperate effectively in identifying and bringing to

justice those who plan, direct, finance, facilitate and

carry out terrorist acts.

Terrorist acts are always reprehensible, and those

who carry them out bear full responsibility for them.

That is true irrespective of any underlying factors that

might exist, such as national or civil conflict or

oppressive economic or social conditions. We must

show determination to confront and face down

terrorists when they test our resolve through their

involvement in heinous acts of violence designed to

terrorize the public into conceding to their distorted

view of the world. But we also have to be smart to win.

Terrorism can rarely be defeated by exclusively

military or security means, although those means are

obviously a very necessary component in the fight

39

against terrorism. It is necessary, at the same time, to

address the root causes of terrorism. I made that point

when I addressed the General Assembly in the

aftermath of the atrocities of 11 September, and I make

no apologies for repeating it today. Let there be no

misunderstanding. I offer no excuses for terrorism.

Terrorism is evil. But it is my strong belief that people

are not born evil. At a certain point in their lives,

something - perhaps a particular event or the

experience of indoctrination - causes them to embrace

evil. To seek to address that root cause is not to be soft

on terrorism, it is the intelligent way to attack

terrorism.

Terrorism tests the effectiveness of our national

and collective security systems, but it also tests the

quality of our institutions, including our systems of

justice, and the strength of our values. As we seek to

protect ourselves, we must ensure that those

institutions remain strong, that democratic values are

not undermined, that our systems of justice are not

compromised and that our struggle is conducted in full

respect for international law and human rights norms.

If we fail to do that, any success we achieve over

terrorists will be at the expense of the way of life we

seek to protect.

The people of Israel and Palestine continue to

suffer from violence that is as futile as it is tragic. The

root cause of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a struggle

over land. The land must be shared by agreement

arrived at through negotiation between the parties to

the conflict. The continuing unilateral expansion of

settlements and the construction and maintenance of

the separation barrier on the West Bank will make the

conflict more difficult to resolve. The entire international

community - particularly Israelís friends ó need to

send that clear and unambiguous message to the Israeli

Government and the people of Israel.

Ireland acknowledges the right, indeed the

responsibility, of the Israeli Government to protect its

people, including, if it so wishes, by a security fence

along its recognized borders. However, the building of

the fence in the West Bank serves to divide Palestinian

communities and creates severe hardship for them. It

will also serve to perpetuate the so-called facts on the

ground, and make it more difficult to reach a final

settlement. The advisory opinion of the International

Court of Justice has given clear guidance on the fence

that should be given careful consideration by those

whose policies and actions it addresses.

The Palestinian Authority must also assume its

responsibilities under the road map, notwithstanding

the difficulties it faces. Effective and responsible

leadership is required. The Palestinian people can best

achieve their sovereignty by restoring national

discipline and rejecting the path of violence.

Ireland, in common with its EU partners,

continues to believe that the only way to reach a

comprehensive settlement of the conflict is through the

Quartet road map. In the Tullamore Declaration, issued

during Irelandís recent presidency of the European

Union, EU ministers welcomed the expressed intention

of Prime Minister Sharon to withdraw from Gaza and

acknowledged the impetus that such a withdrawal

could give to the peace process, as long as it met

certain conditions, including that it take place in the

context of the implementation of the road map.

I therefore urge Israel and the Palestinian

Authority to cooperate closely with the Quartet to

ensure that the withdrawal from Gaza is accompanied

by the full and effective assumption by the Palestinian

Authority of its responsibilities in the territory, and that

a momentum towards the full implementation of the

road map is developed.

The passage of Security Council resolution 1546

(2004) and the subsequent establishment of the Interim

Government of Iraq, represented a crucial coming

together by the international community on the

importance of reconstruction in Iraq. It is vital that that

Government should be able to move ahead and

establish a full democratic mandate. However, the

security situation in Iraq remains a matter of grave

concern to us all, and the challenges facing the new

Government are great. An end to the lethal violence

that is disrupting the normal development of that

country is essential.

Ireland has always seen the role of the United

Nations as central to the issue of reconstructing Iraq.

We therefore welcome the forthcoming return of the

United Nations mission. Ireland and its EU partners

will seek to ensure that that mission is provided with

the necessary security to allow it to carry out its

functions.

The Irish and British Governments continue to

work in close partnership to consolidate peace and

political stability in Northern Ireland. Since the Good

Friday Agreement of 1998, considerable progress has

been made in improving and normalizing life in

40

Northern Ireland. In our view, the complete

implementation of the Good Friday Agreement remains

definitively the best way forward.

The elections to the Northern Ireland Assembly

last November gave leadership mandates to the Sinn

Fein party and the Democratic Unionist Party in their

respective nationalist and unionist communities. Since

then, both Governments have engaged in intensive

discussions with all the parties to finally resolve the

key issues of confidence that have thus far frustrated

the full achievement of peace and political stability in

Northern Ireland. Those key issues include ending

paramilitary activity in all its forms; completing the

process of decommissioning Irish Republican Army

weapons; the implementation by the British

Government of the agreed programme of normalization

and demilitarization; ensuring that the new policing

service is supported by all sections of the community

and resolving the related issue of the devolution of

justice and policing powers; and obtaining

commitments from all parties to fully participate in the

institutions of the Agreement.

Those were the issues that were addressed in

three days of intensive talks that were convened by

both Governments in Leeds Castle in England last

week. Substantial progress was made in the talks

regarding the issues of paramilitarism and arms

decommissioning. As Prime Minister Blair said after

the talks, the contours of the paramilitary question are

now in sight of being resolved, to be accompanied by

subsequent demilitarization, as agreed in the joint

declaration issued by the British and Irish

Governments last October. In addition, significant

progress was made with regard to the policing issue

and the devolution of those powers to devolved

institutions in Northern Ireland.

Regrettably, it was not possible to achieve

agreement among the parties themselves on the

question of the operation of the political institutions of

the Agreement. Talks are continuing in Belfast this

week to see if the gaps between the parties on that

issue can be resolved. The gaps are narrow and can,

and must, be overcome at the earliest possible date. It

was noteworthy in that regard that the leader of the

Democratic Unionist Party, Mr. Ian Paisley, made the

point immediately after the talks that a golden

opportunity has been available to realize a stable and

entirely peaceful future. For our part, the Irish

Government is open to considering changes that would

improve the workings of the institutions while

maintaining compliance with the fundamentals of the

Agreement, and we have brought forward proposals in

that regard. But, I reiterate, as the Taoiseach emphasized

last weekend, such changes must not disturb the

fundamental balance of the Good Friday Agreement, in

particular its key power-sharing provisions.

The resolution of those institutional questions

would allow both Governments to bring forward a

comprehensive package providing a template for

political stability in Northern Ireland. It would be a

tragedy if the failure to bridge the remaining gaps on

that institutional matter frustrated the goal of

definitively removing the issue of arms from politics in

Northern Ireland. The people, rightly, would not

understand why that long-awaited prize was denied

because of a reluctance to fully embrace the structures

of partnership and power-sharing.

If, on the other hand, those institutional issues

can be resolved and a comprehensive agreement then

brought forward, we can finally liberate partnership

politics in Northern Ireland and allow its committed

and talented politicians ó from all sides of the

community ó to collectively get on with the job of

providing better governance, a prospering economy

and a fair society for all of the people.

I will conclude where I began, on the need to

rededicate ourselves to the reinvigoration of this great

Organization.

Next year will be a year in which important

decisions on the future of the United Nations must be

taken. We need to rededicate ourselves to the principles

and purposes for which this Organization was founded.

We need to restore the sense of ambition and idealism

that illuminated the United Nations at its inception. We

need, above all, to build an Organization that is results-

oriented and that can demonstrate that politics is the

most effective means of resolving conflict. Let us make

2005 the year in which the United Nations is reborn

strong, effective and respected, as the founding fathers

intended it to be.