France, 1982

Permit me, Sir, on behalf of the French

delega¬tion to congratulate you, Sir, on your

election to the presidency of the Assembly. Your

experience of international life acquired in the

high offices you have held together with your

thorough knowledge of the United Nations are

assuredly a guarantee that the work of the

Assembly will be conducted with all the necessary

authority and efficiency.

80. I should also like to pay a tribute to

the Secre¬tary-General. I had the pleasure of

welcoming him recently in France and I have

excellent memories of that first meeting. I found

in it confirmation of the qualities which he has

constantly demonstrated in the exercise of his

functions. The French delegation would like to

express its gratitude to him for the dedication

he has shown in carrying out his duties in the

past 10 months. Our gratitude naturally extends

to all the members of the Secretariat, with whose

work we are familiar and whose competence we

appreciate.

81. The presence of the Prime Minister of

France in the Assembly is, I know, unusual. I am

the first French head of Government to come to

this rostrum since the founding of the Fifth

French Republic in 1958. By this gesture we

wanted first of all to demon¬strate the

importance which the President of the French

Republic attaches to the Organization.

82. For more than a century the body of ideas

of which we are the heirs has been concerned with

promoting internationalism as one of the forms of

solidarity. For us, this solidarity must be both

an ethic and a principle of action. Just as in

France we are offering companies and workers

"contracts of solidarity" to fight unemployment,

so the international community could turn to

"contracts of solidarity" among countries to

fight underdevelopment.

83. The head of the Government of France is

present today at this rostrum precisely to

emphasize the imperative need for solidarity,

which we believe is the best way to achieve

peace. France wishes in this way to demonstrate

its confidence in the United Nations and in the

capacity of the Organization to revert to its

original mission, namely, the maintenance of

peace. The Assembly is in effect the only one in

which all States meet on an equal footing. I

should like at once to stress this conviction, at

a time when France, in response to an emergency

situation, is contributing actively to a

multinational force requested by the Security

Council but not constituted according to our

customary procedures, which, unfortunately, are

too slow.

84. I should like to describe to the Assembly

the state of the world as I see it today and to

analyze the causes of our present difficulties.

Then, in the second part of my address, I will

outline the responses that France proposes.

85. What, then, is the present state of the

world? Wherever we look we see nothing but

disorder and confusion. Since the creation of the

Organization blood has been spilled in some 120

conflicts on this planet, and in the past two

years we have seen the dangers grow and multiply.

No continent has been spared. Localized

conflicts, declared or potential, are increasing

and represent a permanent threat to regional

balances. Old conflicts are being perpetuated.

States are invaded; others are tom apart.

86. This year the absurd war in the South

Atlantic was added to the list. This showed once

again in striking fashion that the use of force

is never a per¬manent solution to a quarrel.

87. In the Middle East also, the world has

had to recognize once again the futility of

military operations. Only death and suffering

profit by it while the basic issue remains

unaffected. A people is still condemned to a life

of wandering. And once the wheels of the military

machine were set in motion this led to the

hideous massacres of civilians which the

international community has been unanimous in

condemning.

88. In Eastern Europe, in a Poland occupied

by its own army t we see a courageous people

prevented from choosing the paths of liberty.

89. In Central America conflicts are becoming

more widespread and redoubling in intensity. How

could it be otherwise when peoples are denied the

elementary right to shape their own futures?

90. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights

recognizes the right to rise up against

oppression.I was myself nurtured in this noble

tradition and would be the last to forget it.

91. Such events are all factors making for imbalance and insecurity.

92. At the same time, the economic crisis is

assuming planetary proportions. The length of

time it has lasted has become a new factor for

disarray which tends to increase its ravages. One

after another, countries, even stable and

developed countries, have found themselves in

financial straits.

93. For 18 months now the recession has hit

the industrialized countries hard. Production is

stagnant or is falling back; unemployment is

rapidly increasing, at times achieving levels

comparable to those during the Great Depression

of 1929.1 make that point with particular

seriousness because in this context France,

together with Japan, is the country which has

been able to maintain a positive rate of growth.

94. Certain precarious balances which had

been main¬tained hitherto are beginning to

crumble; one after another industries are going

bankrupt; budgetary and trade deficits are

increasing. The development of the third world

has now been halted. Per capita income in many

countries is perceptibly diminishing. The least

advanced countries are suffering particularly

from a reduction in public aid programmes for

development. The problems of hunger today are

even more dis¬tressing than they were a decade

ago. How many coun¬tries are at the mercy of a

climatic or financial accident which might

threaten their very existence?

95. All these disorders have the effect of

increasing even further the inequalities between

the industrialized States and the majority of the

others. I would add that in many countries the

crisis is widening the gap between different

social categories, between those which have some

reserves in order to face up to the hardships of

the times and those which do not possess those

reserves.

96. We are thus witnessing a world decline

which is promoting self-centeredness and mounting

violence, of which terrorism is one of the most

despicable manifestations. Every possible pretext

has been used to justify this violence: security,

ideologies and sometimes simply vengeance. The

rights of States and of peoples have too often

been flouted for this reason. France sees in that

some disturbing signs of mankind slipping

backwards towards a situation where might

prevails over right.

97. That then is the state of the world. For

France, current difficulties derive essentially

from three factors: the interplay of the two

great Powers; the rise of national

self-centeredness; and over- armament.

98. Let us talk now of the first factor, the

interplay! of the two great Powers. For years now

the world has lived with the illusion that

peace-loving coexistence between two great Powers

served to reduce sources of tension. This

illusion has now been dispelled.

99. The progress of education, particularly

over the last 20 years, developments in science

and technology which they promoted, have

stimulated the aspirations of men to freedom and

justice and the aspirations of peoples to

national identity and of nations to

inde¬pendence. The Organization is the living

expression of that, because I would point out

that the number of its Members has tripled in 20

years. It is that diversity, that vast planetary

change, that teeming burgeoning of life, to which

the two great Powers have not been able to

respond. They have striven to perpetuate a

wide¬spread policy of blocs which is no longer in

keeping with the state of the world today.

100. This persistent temptation to defend or

expand their spheres of influence, to deal with

world problems through the distorting prism of

their own interests, and to transform into

East-West confrontation internal tension in

States or disputes between neighbouring

countries, has been a constant factor for

destabilization. Innumerable pressures of all

sorts, from military maneuvers to financialpenalties,

have been brought into play against peoples who

want to have their independence respected. Third

world countries are the very first to suffer from

this rivalry, but the industrialized nations are

nevertheless not free from its consequences, even

if it takes a different form in the East and West.

101. In the West, one of the great Powers has

been using, for the benefit of its national

interests, the dislocation of the international

monetary system. It has been laying down its

budgetary and monetary policy without concerning

itself about the conse¬quences which may result

for other countries.

102. In the East, the other great Power has

been continuing to employ, directly or

indirectly, military force to thwart the wish of

the peoples of the world to be masters of their

own destiny.

103. This blindness on the part of the two

great Powers is without any doubt one of the

major causes of the disorders troubling the world

today. I say that as I think of the great

American and Soviet peoples with which the French

for centuries have maintained ties of friendship.

I say that because France is a member of an

alliance to which it intends to remain loyal.

104. Faithful to its commitments, France

never¬theless desires the gradual disappearance

of military blocs. It wants entirely free

countries to express their initiatives freely.

105. There exist, it is true, other forms of

domination, sometimes crude censorship which

strives to crush the powers of creation. There

are also modem tech¬nologies—which, together with

economic power, make it possible to control the

human mind. Let us beware of that. Reactions can

it fact be extremely violent when one offends the

culture of peoples at their deepest roots, and

when one does violence to their conscience.

106. The second factor explaining the

difficulties through which the world is going is

the rise of national self-centeredness. Since

international economic rela¬tions can and will be

adapted to the law of "might is right", it is

inevitable that we should be witnessing a return

of policies which are more or less

protec¬tionist. I urge those who deplore this in

defense of the rules of the market-place to be

good enough to consider that they have in fact

contributed to the destruction of these

regulating mechanisms by imposing the law of the

jungle.

!09. This rise in national self-centeredness has

become an additional curb on international trade

and has thus contributed to prolonging and

fueling the crisis. Furthermore, and this is even

more serious, it under¬mines regional groupings

which have been functioning for two or three

decades now. The process of integra¬tion of the

European Community has thus been halted, and the

same is true of the Americas and Asia.

! 10. Behind the facade of international

meetings, and a co-operation which has never in

history been so widely developed as today, the

Community which we make up seems in fact to be

breaking up, to be fragmented, and gradually to

be falling back on each of its national entities.

111. It would be particularly serious if, on

the pre¬text of an economic crisis, the

industrialized countries were to oppose the

emergence of new industrial centers in the third

world countries. They must adapt to this new

reality, even at the cost of sometimes painful

conversions.

112. However, this industrialization of the

third world cannot be limited to forms of dumping

based on uncontrolled exploitation of cheap

labour. It cannot be considered simply in terms

of the profit accruing to multinational

corporations which take advantage of the disorder

in the world to impose their own laws. The

inevitable mutation must be controlled.

113. The future of the world will be based

largely on the independence of our economies. Yet

the increasing number of divergences grows in

proportion to the increasing articulation of

policies arising solely from national interest.

Thus multilateral institutions, the privileged

instruments of international co¬operation, no

longer seem sufficient to enable us to overcome

today's crises.

114. The third factor which explains the disarray

in the world today is over-armament. All States

have a right to security and an independent

system of defense. This is in fact the policy

that France applies for itself. Still, we are

convinced that the build-up of arms is a serious

source of danger to peace and security in the

world. The General Assembly itself, meeting in

special session a few weeks ago to consider

possibilities of disarmament, made the

distressing observation that more than ever

before in history the arms race is proceeding at

a frantic pace.

115. This situation stems from the two factors

that I have just analyzed: the action of the

super-Powers and self-centeredness on the part of

nations. The ten¬sion to which these factors give

rise is only worsening in a world where the rule

is determined by power relationships. Our States

have a duty to respond to the questions and

sometimes the anxieties which result from this

among peoples and which are reflected, for

example in Europe, by the development of a

current of pacificism. Our States have a duty to

show that a path to genuine arms reduction can be

opened. This is the urgent obligation incumbent

on our Govern¬ments today, particularly on those

which alone possess the bulk of the world's

military arsenal.

116. Now, in face of the great Powers' nuclear

over- armament, the build-up of conventional

forces in Europe and the arms race raging in the

third world, negotiations are not advancing.

Before we can turn to serious talk of the general

and verifiable disarmament that is our goal, we

must first challenge the over- armament.

117. France is disturbed to find a growing

imbalance between the requirements of peace and

development, on the one hand, and the policies

actually being pursued in the world, on the other.

118. If I have felt it necessary to make this

assessment and to give our analyses of the

situation on behalf of France, it is not in order

to give in to any sort of pessimism or to throw

up my arms at the enormousness of the task before

us. We can overcome the crisis, but we must have

the will to do so and not allow ourselves to be

taken in by delusions. The world must get back on

the road to growth and peace.

119. First of all, the search for peace.

France speaks and acts on a basis that is clear

and unchanging: one method, negotiation; one

goal, political solutions in respect for the

rights of peoples.

120. This was already the sense of the Franco-

Mexican Declaration" with regard to El Salvador.

It called for mutual recognition on the part of

the adversaries.

121. This political approach on France's part

applies to all crises in which one or the other

of the two great Powers is directly involved.

122. In the case of Afghanistan, France

reaffirms its support for any political solution

leading to the with-drawal of the foreign forces;

it calls for respect for the right to

self-determination on the part of the Afghan

people and the guarantee of the non-alignment or

even the neutrality of that country.

123. In Poland we fervently desire an end to

the state of siege and the liberation of the

internees—neces¬sary conditions for the

resumption of a genuine dialogue between the

segments of Polish society.

124. In Central America the principles France

expresses are as follows: political settlement of

inter¬nal or external conflicts; regional

guarantees of security and non-interference;

absolute respect for the sovereignty of States,

which means the right of peoples freely to

determine the forms of their eco¬nomic and social

developments

125. This approach is also the basis for our

pro¬posals in two regional conflicts that are of

course of long standing, but the fact that they

still persist is particularly alarming.

126. I refer first of all to the question of

Namibia. The contact group has proposed a plan of

action that has enabled considerable progress to

be made con¬cerning constitutional principles and

the transition period. Currently, negotiations

are stalled precisely because certain conditions

are inconsistent with the general principles we.

Uphold and because they fall solely withinthe

ambit of Angolan sovereignty. France for its part

will continue to support the three-, stage plan

while at the same time condemning any strategy

that would destabilize the region and refusing to

establish any link with external considerations.

127. My second example concerns the Middle

East. I believe that the tragic events of recent

days have clearly demonstrated that the positions

France has supported since the beginning of

hostilities are sound.

How much time would have been gained and now many

lives spared if our voice had been heeded.

128. I would, to refresh the memory of the

members of the Assembly, just recall the

principles so often set forth in this very Hall

by France's representatives, and in particular by

our Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Cheysson,

namely, security for Israel and for all the Arab

States in the region, on the one hand, and the

right to self-determination for the Palestinian

people, on the other. Moreover, any settlement

quite obviously presupposes the mutual

recognition of the States and political forces in

the region.

129. France has done every g possible to halt

the hostilities and to prevent the tragedy. As

far back as 28 July, in agreement with Egypt, we

submitted to the Security Council a draft

resolution. We hoped for and proposed the

intervention of United Nations forces. In the

past few days, we have once again assumed our

responsibilities.

130. We note that many States, among them some

of the most important, have agreed with our

analysis of the situation. We also note that the

Twelfth Arab Summit Conference at Fez expressed a

view we believe to be positive.

131. In the case of Lebanon, the invasion of

which was condemned by France, we will continue

to work to see Lebanon's sovereignty, unity and

territorial integrity restored and respected.

132. I should also like to say a word about

disarma¬ment. Our position is based on two simple

ideas which, I believe, have the merit of

realism: a balance of forces and verifiable

monitoring of the reduction of arms stockpiles.

This is the basis upon which we approve the

current negotiations and on which we favour

completion of regional security agreements and

arms limitation agreements.

133. But the return to a peaceful climate is

possible only if, at the same time, we give

ourselves the means to overcome the economic

crisis. What is this crisis, in fact? It is not

an unforeseeable natural catastrophe that has

suddenly descended on us. It is only that our

system of economic relations and production has

gone wrong. It is a period of change between two

stages of the world, between two technological

phases. That change, if not controlled, may take

place in the worst possible conditions, even

generating armed conflicts. If it is controlled,

however, that is to say if it is intellectually

controlled, it may very well provide the

opportunity for decisive progress for the

community of nations.

134. We should first of all reject false

solutions which, on the pretext of rigour or

realism, call for adjustments at the lowest level

of production, that is, adjustments that prolong

the crisis. This would truly mean giving up.

135. The new conditions in the world economy

call for a considerable effort of adjustment

within each economy. France in no way challenges

the need for this and has committed itself with

determination to this course. These actions must

be pursued within a context that is particularly

difficult for all. I would note that the

countries of the third world have obtained

significant results in this respect. But we must

avoid a generalization of restrictive policies

that would com¬promise the benefits to be

obtained from each country internally. And we

must see that such policies do not draw them all

into a deflationary spiral.

136. Economically there exists among us today

a profound solidarity. Whether we like it or not,

no one is spared the effects of the daily

economic decisions of the international

community, and our own deci¬sions, in turn, cross

frontiers. New economic policies largely based on

a monetarist credo and on a lessening of

government influence, promise both long-lasting

control of inflation and the rapid resumption of

sound growth. Everyone today is aware of the

limitations of these policies which have led to

massive budgetary deficits, the maintenance of

excessive real interest rates and persisting

stagnation. The absence of inter¬vention in

financial markets explains the persistence of

erratic variations in rates of exchange.

137. France, with several of its partners, has

emphat¬ically criticized these policies for their

serious conse-quences for the world economy,

particularly the economies of the developing

countries.

138. The fragile foundations upon which we

have built our economies are beginning to give

way. In order to halt the process, it is

indispensable that action on the domestic front

be coupled with active explora¬tion on the

international front of ways of promoting a

general return to growth and prosperity. Each of

us should contribute to the attainment of these

goals according to his means. This is the tenor

of the reso¬lution adopted at the Versailles

Economic Summit by the seven most highly

industrialized countries, which were meeting on

the invitation of President Mitterrand.

139. If we are to succeed in this, we must

reaffirm our solidarity and use all the resources

available to us. The progress of technology and

the satisfaction of the needs of the most

disadvantaged among the world population,

constitute an enormous potential, the

mobilization of which could give new momentum to

the world economy. Recession is not inevitable;

it can be overcome by collective, clear-sighted,

integrated action.

140. This is the proper perspective in which

to see North-South relations. The growth of

North-South interdependence has so far been

uncontrolled. It has helped to extend and

aggravate the crisis. The time has come to

establish true collective management of this

interdependence of equal partners. The time has

come to make it the instrument of the return to

growth and development for all. The time has come

to work for true international economic

solidarity. This is basically what is at stake

today in the North-South dialogue. This is the

meaning of the appeal made by the Presi¬dent of

the French Republic at Cancun in October 1981.

141. How can we fail in the circumstances not

to be disappointed and concerned that these

discussions are now deadlocked? The proposed

global negotia¬tions, so keenly sought by France

are at a standstill. Yet the viewpoints differ

little. I see an illustration of this in the

immediate results it was possible to achieve in

Toronto with regard to the specialized agencies.

France attaches great importance <to this and

welcomes the resulting agreement on financing the

International Development Association [IDA] in

1984 and on the creation of a special fund.

142. I am sure that with a little good will

the global negotiations could get under way very

quickly. This would represent a decisive

achievement for the thirty- seventh session of

the General Assembly. It is clear to us all that

the present circumstances make it neces¬sary that

steps be taken forthwith. You, Mr. Secretary-

General, spoke of these in your statement at the

1st meeting of the Economic and Social Council in

1982. We must ensure sustained expansion of the

world economy in a climate of stable exchange

rates and stable prices for raw materials and

manufactured products.

143. We must also try to reduce hunger in the

world and make it possible for countries which

have not yet done so to reach a threshold of food

self-sufficiency.

144. I lay particular stress on official

development aid. This is undoubtedly the only

hope for the poorest countries. Despite our

serious budgetary constraints France is

continuing its own efforts. From 1980 to 1982 the

amount devoted to official development aid has

risen from 0.36 to 0.48 per cent of the gross

national product and it will reach 0.52 per cent

in

1983. We are speaking only of aid to

independent countries. Our goal is still to reach

0.7 per cent in 1988. The least developed

countries will receive 0.15 per cent of our gross

national product with effect from 1985, in

accordance with the commitment we entered into in

September last year at the United Nations

Conference on the Least Developed Coun¬tries,

held in Paris.

145. France hopes that most countries will

undertake similar action and join France in its

efforts to guaran¬tee IDA resources in the period

from 1985 to 1987.

146. In addition to financial and technical

measures, in addition to the reinvigoration of

the activities of the organized international

community, France intends to work towards the

construction of a world based on right, not

might. From this standpoint we advocate the right

to difference, for we know that culture is not

monolithic. There are no hierarchical links

between the Confucian, Christian and Hindu

philosophies. The universe is rich, above all,

because of its diversity. Let us therefore

respect the struggles of those who want to

achieve dignity and freedom, because peoples

exist when they have a history, a culture, and a

willingness to live together. The international

com-munity must recognize their rights.

147. We are convinced that in affirming the

right to difference we affirm the right to life

and to develop¬ment. Economic crises are all too

often accompanied by a crisis of identity, a

cultural crisis. This leads to resignation and a

fatalistic surrender to destiny. It seems,

unfortunately, that there exists a link between

the dulling of our intellectual capacities and

the worsening of the crisis. We must heed the

forces of the spirit and of creativity. We must

pay a tribute to and help those who have within

them a strong determination to assert that we

will emerge from this situation. This is our sole

purpose, in France, in giving absolute priority

to research and culture. A society that does not

create, that does not call upon the resources of

the will and the intellect, is a moribund society.

148. This conviction has also guided France's

deter¬mination to contribute to the promotion of

individual and collective human rights. In this

France remains faithful to its vocation and its

history. This means that our foremost concern is

to respect the principles of national sovereignty

and non-interference in internal affairs in

relations between States and that we must not

lose sight of the fact that the Charter of the

United Nations confers a universal character on

human rights.

149. The Charter must remain the hope of the

oppressed. It recognizes the right if not the

duty of the organized international community to

concern itself with the way in which each State

acquits itself of its obligations towards its own

nationals. In this spirit France has recently

recognized on the regional level the right of

individual recourse provided for in the European

Convention on Human Rights. Similarly we have

just recognized the right: laid down in arti¬cle

14 of the International Convention on the

Elimina¬tion of all Forms of Racial

Discrimination.

150. But we believe that in this field

co-operation with the States concerned should be

encouraged. In our view this alone justifies the

limitations which the universality of human

rights imposes upon the principle of

non-interference.

151. Similarly this indispensable co-operation

is the only guarantee for the States concerned

that interna-tional supervision, a peaceful and

humanitarian act, can never be conceived of as an

unfriendly act. Full enjoyment of all human

rights presupposes an eco¬nomic balance, which

itself depends on a certain con¬ception of

development. It is in this spirit that within the

United Nations France is taking an active part in

the preparation of a draft declaration on the

right to development.

152. We welcome the increase in regional

super¬vision. Europe, with the Commission and the

Court at Strasbourg, is no longer acting alone in

the regional protection of human rights, as is

shown by the growing role played by the

Inter-American Commission on Human Rights on the

American continent. Similarly we should stress

the progress achieved in Africa with the

proclamation of the African Charter of Human and

People's Rights.

153. This development has, furthermore, made

it possible to develop global protection of the

right to self-determination by taking internal

situations into account, due consideration being

given to the juridical identity of each

particular region.

154. We want to make this point categorically:

the freedom of a people—even once it has become

inde-pendent—to decide on its own future with the

par¬ticipation of all is essential for the

safeguarding of human rights in the world.

155. the United Nations is not only the most

im¬portant meeting place in the world of which

the As¬sembly is the living symbol; it is also a

formidable instrument that has been considerably

enriched since its foundation. The creation of an

impressive number of specialized agencies has

made it possible to work in all areas to achieve

the objectives set forth in the Preamble to the

Charter. We must therefore make these instruments

effective. It is a question of imagination and

will. I should like in this connection to thank

the Secretary- General for the remarkable report

he has presented to us. In breaking with a well

established tradition, he has gone out of his way

to focus attention on the capacity of the

Organization to maintain peace and to strengthen

the system of collective security which,

unfortunately, we can only note has not been

success¬ful. Mr. Secretary-General, you have made

concrete suggestions in this regard, and by and

large we sub¬scribe to them. Your proposals are

in fact very much in keeping with the constant

concerns of France.

156. We endorse your desire to make the

Organiza¬tion, and the Security Council in

particular, a forum for negotiations once again.

We favor a revision of United Nations practices

and procedures, which you have recommended. Like

you we should like to see the Organization act

more rapidly and more effectively. To that end we

are ready to contribute to the necessary

strengthening of peace-keeping opera¬tions. In

fact France has demonstrated this very point

today in Lebanon.

157. The imperative need for solidarity calls

also for a massive consolidation of the

international financial system. This can be

achieved through the following means: a very

substantial increase in the size and resources of

the International Monetary Fund [/MF] to enable

it to assume its role of supporting countries

caught in the grip of financial difficulties and

recover its fundamental role of monitoring

monetary policies and rates of exchange;

systematic intervention by the Bank for

International Settlements in the solution of

financial crises; early implementation, within

the framework of UNCTAD, of the Common Fund for

Commodities, accompanied by renewed efforts aimed

at reaching commodity agreements together with

effective mean for the stabilization of prices;

estab-lishment of an energy affiliate of the

World Bank or some other comparable system so as

to have avail¬able an instrument appropriate to

the size of the energy investments the developing

countries will have to make in the course of the

coming decade.

158. There must be progress on all these

subjects in the various bodies where they are

being discussed. It is essential to seize every

opportunity for dialogue and meetings in order to

restore the proper signifi¬cance to the

multilateral institutions existing in the

economic and political field and make them fully

functional and useful.

159. It is imperative to promote the spirit of

interna¬tional co-operation, which alone can

enable us together to return to the path to

development and prosperity and, ultimately,

peace. This strengthening of international

institutions thus calls for the drafting of a new

and better balanced code of law. The work of

codification, which has been going on for more

than 30 years, has certainly shown progress. But

we must take into account the profound changes

that the international community has experienced

as an organized entity. We must therefore forge

new instruments.

160. There is one specific area that

illustrates this determination: the law of the

sea. La^ April practically all the Members of the

Organization adopted a con¬vention. In spite of

the reservations it may have on certain of its

provisions, France voted in favor of that text.

We considered that it was in itself an

illustration of the North-South dialogue, which

we advocate, and that it also constituted an

important step towards an improvement of the

world system. That is why I very much hope that

the inadequacies and imperfections of the text

will be remedied, which will make possible larger

adherence to the Convention. I should like to

announce today—and I do so symbolically from this

rostrum—that France will sign the United Nations

Convention on the Law of the Sea, because it does

not confine itself to coming here to make

proposals. We also want to preach by example and

to make our deeds fit our words.

161. I am also in a position to inform the

general Assembly that France has decided to

endorse the principles contained in the 1975

Declaration on the Protection of All Persons from

Being Subjected to Torture and Other Cruel,

Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment.

Today I shall give official notification of this

to the Secretary-General on behalf of the French

Gov¬ernment.

162. Finally I should like to add that France

will recognize the right of a State or an

individual to exercise, before the Human Rights

Committee, the right of recourse provided for in

article 41 and the Protocol of the International

Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

163. Before coming here to address the

Assembly, I re-read the remarks made by Leon Blum

in June 1936 in the League of Nations. Many of

his arguments are still relevant today; France

still means "to declare publicly, and to attest

to by its deeds, its loyalty to international

law. For history is not made up only of conflicts

among men. It is also shaped by their dreams and

their Utopias. And what finer idea! is there than

the one we symbolize here: that of an

interna¬tional society capable of abiding by a

discipline to which it has freely consented? We

are the image of what the world could be, and

that image can give hope to millions of people on

this planet. For our role has not changed. The

task is sti!! to put an end to what Victor Hugo

called "the world's great insomnia". And, as Leon

Blum added, "Men want to be able to sleep again.

They want to rest their heads peacefully on their

pillows after a hard day's work. They place their

hope in you. "

164. Yes, the Organization must once again

become synonymous with hope. We can do it if we

want to.