France, 2013

It is an

honour for the United Nations to act everywhere where

the freedom of peoples is denied. It is an honour for

the United Nations to act where fundamental rights are

compromised. It is an honour for the United Nations to

intervene where extremism threatens the security of the

world. It is an honour for the United Nations to act on

behalf of peace.

In Syria, the situation is becoming urgent because

120,000 people have died over the past two and a half

years — 90,000 in the past year alone. One-fourth of

the population is displaced. Millions of Syrians have

become refugees and the country has been destroyed.

The worst happened on 21 August in Damascus,

when chemical weapons were used against civilians,

including women and children. United Nations

inspectors, sent officially on behalf of the Organization

have, established unequivocally and with certainty the

use of these weapons.

In the face of this horrifying crime, France sought a

strong reaction to punish this violation of international

law and to dissuade Bashir Al-Assad’s regime from

committing new massacres. This pressure exerted by

my country, along with others, in particular the United

States, has seen some initial results. Negotiations are

under way as we speak to ensure the verification and

destruction of Syria’s chemical weapons.

However, if these negotiations are to attain their

ultimate end, I have set out three requirements. The

first is that any text must clearly make it possible for

the Security Council to become seized of this issue of

chemical weapons at any given moment. The second

requirement is that the draft resolution we are preparing

provides for coercive measures under Chapter VII in

the event that the Syrian regime fails to respect its

commitments. Since the agreement signed between the

United States and Russia has the same provision, that is

all the more reason to include it in the draft resolution.

The third requirement is that those who have committed

these crimes must be held accountable before justice.

But we cannot limit ourselves to this draft

resolution, which must be adopted soon. We must

end this war, the deadliest since the beginning of the

century. The solution is political. Too much time has

been squandered, and I will not refer again to the

blocking of action in the Security Council. During this

period, not only has the regime increased its violence,

but terrorist groups have also taken advantage of the

international community’s inertia, to the detriment of

the democratic forces found within the Syrian National

Coalition.

This is why the “Geneva II” conference must be

held as soon as possible. For France, however, Geneva

II is not just a talk shop. It must be a conference to

define the objective for putting in place a transitional

Government with full executive powers, mandated to

re-establish civil peace, to protect all communities and

to organize elections in due time. I am sometimes asked

about participants in this conference. My response is

simple. All countries — and I repeat, all countries — that

accept the goal of installing a transitional Government

and clearly acknowledge their commitment to a political

solution will be welcome at the conference.

Of equal urgency is the humanitarian situation. In

Syria, the displaced are in the millions, and there are

now more than 1.5 million refugees in Turkey, Jordan

and Lebanon. The prolongation of the crisis poses

a direct threat to the unity and security of Lebanon,

nearly 20 per cent of whose population is now of Syrian

origin.

I would like to thank Secretary-General Ban

Ki-moon for having organized the first meeting of the

International Support Group for Lebanon. France is

committed to that country because we know how much

it has suffered in recent years from disturbances in the

Middle East and how much it needs to be supported

today in its efforts to host refugees.

There are serious concerns in that part of the

Middle East, but there are also glimmers of hope.

The first is the resumption of negotiations between

the Israelis and the Palestinians. Only that will enable

peace to be achieved. It requires the coexistence of

two States, both with safe and recognized borders.

We must do everything to ensure that the opportunity

that now exists for Israelis, Palestinians and the entire

region is seized to finally bring an end to a conflict that

whose regional and international repercussions are well

known to us all. Negotiating peace between Israel and

Palestine would be an historic act.

The second glimmer of hope is found in the

statements of the new Iranian President, which reflect

an evolution. I will not exaggerate them, but the question

now is to know whether those words will be translated

into actions, in particular concerning the nuclear

issue. For the past 10 years, our discussions have not

progressed, leading the the international community

to adopt increasingly severe sanctions. The situation

is dangerous, as we all know. Therefore, France

expects from Iran concrete gestures reflecting that

country’s renunciation its military nuclear programme,

although it clearly retains the right to pursue its civilian

programme. That is why I have chosen to engage in

direct and open dialogue with President Rouhani. I will

also say from this rostrum that while I am in favour of

dialogue, I remain firm on the serious issue of nuclear

proliferation.

The Middle East is not the only region of the

world that is of concern to us. Africa has fallen prey to

terrorism, and the barbaric attack in Nairobi confirms

that to us once again, tragically. Victories are possible

against terrorism. In Mali, with the clear mandate of

the Security Council, African and French forces, with

the support of Europe, intervened in response to the

appeal of the authorities in Bamako and brought an end

to a broad terrorist offensive. Today we see the results.

Mali has regained its territorial integrity. It has ensured

the security of its population, and it has even been able

to hold, on the scheduled date, a presidential election

that has been recognized as incontestable. I welcome

the new President of Mali, Mr. Ibrahim Boubacar .eita.

His election is evidence of a great victory for West

Africa against terrorism.

However, the threat continues to weigh heavily on

the Sahel and in Libya, where weapons are uniquitous

and where terrorist groups have found refuge. We must

assist the Libyan authorities to ensure the security

of their territory and of their population. France is

prepared to do so.

I would like to sound an alarm, as I did last year

with respect to Mali. The warning here is about the

Central African Republic — a small country that has

been ravaged by coups and conflicts for years. Today,

chaos has taken root and civilians are yet again its

victims. We must bring an end to the abuse, which is

also sectarian in nature. That is why I would like the

Security Council to issue a mandate and provide the

logistical and financial means to create an African

force, with its first mission to re-establish stability in

the Central African Republic.

In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, women

and children are victims of violence every day in the

Kivu region. Again, it is essential that we continue

to strengthen the United Nations Organization

Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the

Congo, to implement the Addis Ababa agreement, and

to reject all external interference.

We must learn from the experience of recent years.

Everywhere chaos reigns, terrorism takes root and

grows. That is the case in Somalia, and the horrific

attack against Kenya reminds us that Al-Shaabab-

affiliated groups, while they have been defeated, have

not yet been eradicated. That is why the international

community must help African States to protect

themselves.

France will convene, late this year, a meeting on

peace and security in Africa. France has invited all

African countries; Europe will be represented, as will

the United Nations. The purpose of the meeting is to

enable the establishment, training and equipping of

African armies to ensure the security of the continent

and combat all traffickers, particularly drug traffickers,

and piracy. Africans themselves must ensure their

security, but we cannot leave them to face the terrorist

threat alone.

The best weapons we have are our development

policies, because poverty, unemployment and inequality

provide fertile soil for violence and insecurity. Again,

France calls for the mobilization of the international

community through new funds that we must create to

finance the necessary infrastructures and to enable

access to essential public services.

France is fighting, along with Europe, for the

introduction of innovative financing. My country’s tax

on airline tickets, which helps finance the International

Drug Purchase Facility (UNITAID), has brought in

more than €1 billion since 2006. My country has decided

to increase that tax by a further 10 per cent to enhance

our fight against the great pandemics: HIV/AIDS,

tuberculosis and malaria. With Europe, France has

also established a tax on financial transactions. I have

decided to allocate 10 per cent of that income towards

such development-related actions as access to water

and renewable energy, because with development

assistance we can help the poorest countries to ensure

their future, and thereby their security, and to respond

to global warming, which concerns us all.

France is available to host the 2015 climate

conference. This matter, too, respresents a threat to

our own security, because one report after another

states that if we do nothing, by the end of this century

the temperature of the planet will have increased by

three or four degrees Centigrade, with the well-known

consequences of flooding in some places, droughts in

others. Those direct threats would in turn endanger

peace throughout the world. We must therefore seek an

agreement at the 2015 climate conference.

The foundations of the commitment are well known.

The agreement must be equitable. Each country must do

its part. The developed countries obviously must make

he greatest effort. Emerging countries must protect their

development, but they must also understand that they

are directly threatened by global warming. The least

developed countries, those that are the most fragile and

vulnerable, must be aided in the transition. That is the

purpose of the fund that was created in Durbin. The

agreement must also be binding; it cannot simply be a

reiteration of principles. It cannot simply be wording in

resolutions that are not translated into concrete actions.

If there is no assessment and there are no sanctions,

there will be no progress and global temperature will

inexorably rise.

My message is simple. In any domain, whether

international security, nuclear proliferation,

development or climate change, the worst threat is

inaction, the worst decision is to take no decision,

and the worst danger is to not see any. And the United

Nations bears the responsibility to act. Each time the

Organization appears powerless, peace is the first

victim. That is why I am proposing that the permanent

members of the Security Council define a code of

conduct such that in cases of mass crimes, they may

collectively decide to renounce the right of veto.

It is also my hope to see the Secretary-General’s

powers of inquiry strengthened to enable the United

Nations to ensure — as it has done in Syria — that

the truth is established in all instances, carry out

investigations and act on the results. The Assembly has

the sovereign right to take such a decision. Our credibility

depends upon our capacity to intervene quickly and

effectively in ensuring respect for international law,

punishing violations and promoting development to

preserve future generations. Our legitimacy flows

from the Charter of the United Nations. We must be

worthy of it. Within that framework, France will always

assume its responsibilities in all domains.