Yugoslavia, 1982

Mr. President, I should like first of all to

congratulate you on your election as President of

the current session of the General Assembly. It

is my particular pleasure to welcome you, the

representative of a neighbouring country with

which Yugoslavia has been developing friendly

relations and comprehensive good-neighborly

co-operation, to this important and responsible

post.

93. I should also like to pay a tribute to

the Secretary- General for his high personal and

statesmanlike qualities, as well as far the

selfless efforts he exerted during the short but

very dynamic and difficult period since his

election. We are very pleased to see the

representative of friendly and non-aligned Peru

in this high and exceptionally important post.

His election also honors the whole Latin American

continent, as well as being recognition of the

growing influence of the policy and movement of

non-alignment in international relations.

94. I avail myself of this opportunity to

point out our particular gratitude and

appreciation to the President of the thirty-sixth

session Mr. Ismat Kittani, the representative of

Iraq, a country with which Yugoslavia has firm

friendly ties, for the outstanding efforts,

objective attitude and skill with which he guided

the thirty-sixth session of the General

Assem¬bly, the second special session on

disarmament and other meetings of the General

Assembly in the course of the past year, which

was fraught with numerous problems and

difficulties.

95. Although there are certain differences in

the assessments of the causes of the present

state of affairs in the world, we believe that

there is almost no dispute that we are now

witnessing one of those crucial turning-points in

the history of international relations, when a

choice has to be made between a perilous downhill

slide caused by the increase of tension, and a

halting of this dangerous trend by reversing the

developments and directing them towards the

renewal of international confidence and

respon¬sibility, which have been so badly eroded.

This would pave the way for a process of

equitable and peaceful negotiation on a number of

conflict situations and crises present in the

world. There is no doubt that the situa¬tion in

all spheres of international relations has

deterio¬rated to such an extent that the whole

international community is faced with that

choice, which is all the more dramatic since

there are no signs of improve¬ment. On the

contrary, many things are getting out of control

and are acquiring their own momentum which, in

turn, produces more tension.

96. There are three phenomena which

constitute an inseparable whole and which are the

major causes of negative developments. These are

the unabated and spiraling arms race, which has

acquired unforeseen proportions; the denial to

countries and peoples of their right to free

social development and self-determination; and

increased rivalry, based on positions of

strength, in establishing new boundaries of

spheres of interest and influence and shifting

the existing boundaries. All this is being done

in the name of a self-arrogated right to protect

social systems, to impose foreign models of

development and to declare entire regions as the

inviolable zones of security of big Powers. The

use of force tends to become a legitimate form of

behavior aimed at imposing the blocs as sole

arbiters in international affairs. To this end,

bloc policy resorts to the use of the most

diverse methods of destabilization, ranging from

interference in internal affairs and economic

pressure to military intervention and direct

aggression.

97. The Secretary-General was, therefore,

right when he said in his thought-provoking

report on the work of the Organization that "The

past year has seen an alarming succession of

international crises as well as stalemates on a

number of fundamental inter-national issues".

This is a grave but regrettably true and

irrefutable observation. This situation is less a

result of cyclical aggravation than of the

profound crisis of the post-war bloc system based

on the balance of terror. The entire development

of international relations since the Second World

War has shown that the historic processes of

emancipation and the striving for independent and

undisturbed develop¬ment are deeply rooted and

universal. In spite of all attempts to the

contrary, the policy of the division of the world

into blocs, aimed at controlling those processes

and at preserving the system of domination and

the policy of rivalry, has failed. This could not

be achieved either through the cold war or by

limited detente, by outbreaks of situations of

conflict and other forms of interventionism or by

attempts to crush the resistance of peoples to

foreign domination and their will to establish

their own national and social identities. In

short, the arms race, limited wars and military

interventions have not given any substantive

advantage to either bloc, nor have they

strengthened their internal cohesion. On the

contrary, the bloc perception of international

relations not only has failed to remove the

possibility of global war but has constantly led

the world to its brink.

98. The blocs cannot solve in the old way the

crises existing both within their own ranks and

in inter¬national relations and they are not

willing to do so on the new basis; they are

trying to overcome them at the expense of small,

economically and militarily weak countries. All

this undoubtedly points to the obsolescence of

the existing system of international political

and economic relations, which is caught today in

a web of mutual contradictions. The blocs are

attempting to find a way out by intensifying and

expanding their power. They are incapable of

com¬prehending the altered structure of the

international community and the growing awareness

of nations and peoples, which have never been

stronger, better organized and more committed to

changing the existing international relations.

Never has the gap been wider between the old

relations and the new needs and possibilities for

changing the existing state of affairs for the

better, nor have the dangers threatening the

world ever been so immediate and so far beyond

control. There is practically no field in

political and economic relations in which serious

aggravation of difficulties has not occurred. The

relaxation of tensions and the efforts to settle

disputes by peaceful means are giving way to

increased manifestations of the cold war and the

use of force. Major channels of negotia¬tion,

whether bilateral or multilateral, have been

blocked, and communication for the purpose of

negotiation has been reduced to the lowest level.

The security and independence of many nations, as

well as the most essential conditions of economic

development, are threatened daily. The

manifestations of such a state of affairs are,

unfortunately, very numerous.

99. The arms race, with the unrestrained and

uncon¬trolled growth, quantitative and

qualitative, and stock¬piling of weapons,

constitutes today a most direct threat to world

peace and an instrument for preserving the

existing inequitable system of international

relations. Negotiations on specific aspects of

the limitation of the arms race or its control or

on disarmament have for years been bogged down,

while the Programme of Action contained in the

Final Docu¬ment of the Tenth Special Session of

the General Assembly, unanimously adopted at the

first special session devoted to disarmament, has

not been implemented. At the second special

session on disarmament the Assembly was not only

unable to do further work on an international

strategy for a long-term process of disarmament,

but, in a way, took a step backwards. Detente not

only failed to become a coherent strategy for

peace but, as the transition from cold war to

peace, experienced a crisis precisely at the

moment when it was about to achieve the most

durable results, particularly in Europe.

100. The existing focal points of crisi are

constantly becoming linked with new ones in an

uninterrupted chain stretching from the

Mediterranean, through the region of the Gulf,

the Indian Ocean, southern Africa and South

America to the Caribbean and Central America.

101. The longstanding practice of tolerating

Israel’s aggressive policy in the Middle East has

brought about a situation which has no precedent

in recent history, and for which it would be hard

to find a parallel even in the Second World War.

Not only does there seem to be no end to the

Israeli policy of expansionism and its violation

of all the decisions of the United Nations and

all the norms of inter¬national behavior, but

Israel has resorted to genocide against the

Palestinian people and keeps encroaching upon the

independence of Lebanon, A premeditated and

cold-blooded massacre of helpless Palestinian and

Lebanese people is carried cut before the eyes of

the whole of mankind, which is unable either to

prevent the crimes or to punish the perpetrator.

It has become obvious that this is a continuous

and premeditated policy of aggression against and

extermination of the Palestinian people and an

attempt to find a "final solution" to the Middle

East crisis without it or against its will. Such

a policy is based on the illusion that the

Palestinian question can be resolved without

fulfilling the aspirations of the Palestinian

people, which are, like those of any other nation

in the region, to live in peace and security on

its own territory and in its own independent

State; without recognizing the PLO as the

legitimate representative of the Palestinian

people; and without Israel's withdrawal from all

territories occupied in the 1967 war.

102. The Twelfth Arab Summit Conference, at Fez,

adopted a constructive plan, the implementation

of which should be supported by the entire

international community. It is encouraging, also,

to see a positive development even among those

elements that until yesterday supported Israel

automatically in all mani¬festations of its

aggressive policy. It is high time to put a stop

to this policy of extermination of the

Palestin¬ian people and to enable it to exercise

its inalien¬able rights. From the latest

developments we should draw the lesson that it is

no longer sufficient to express anger,

disappointment, abhorrence or guilty conscience

and to engage in the rhetorics of propa¬ganda but

that it is indispensable instead to take resolute

action. No one can avoid responsibility for the

latest brutal atrocities in Beirut, least of all

those that could have prevented it.

103. In South-East and South-West Asia the

state of crisis persists unchanged. The peoples

of Afghan¬istan and Kampuchea are prevented from

exercising their right to a free life and are

still subjected to foreign intervention. The

international community has, through United

Nations resolutions and the positions taken by

the conferences of the non-aligned countries,

laid down the basis for a peaceful political

solution of these problems, which can be achieved

only through the withdrawal of foreign troops and

the elimination of all forms of outside

intervention.

104. 3n Africa, particularly southern Africa,

racist and colonialist strongholds still exist,

while attempts are being made to tum that

continent into an arena of bloc rivalry. These

neo-colonialist tendencies threaten the

independence and security of the coun¬tries of

the continent and obstruct the positive role

played by the Organization of African Unity. It

is high time that the question of Namibia was

solved, and the long-expected final agreement on

its accession to full independence should be

reached at this very session of the general

Assembly. We believe that this is indispensable

and will be possible if we exert additional

efforts and show greater resolve. Success in

solving the outstanding problem of Namibia would

show that the most complex issues can finally be

resolved through negotiations. It would help to

reawaken the shaken faith in the United Nations.

On the other hand, procrastination would

undoubtedly bring the already tense situation in

this part of the world to the brink of explosion,

with wider inter¬national implications. The

liberation of Namibia on the basis of Security

Council resolution 435 (1978), as well as the

creation of conditions enabling the people of

Western Sahara to express its will freely within

the framework of the right to self-determination,

would be of the utmost importance for the

strength¬ening of the independence and the faster

economic and social development of all African

countries. The people of Korea has net yet

exercised its right to unification, in spite of

the position of the Democratic People's Republic

of Korea, which de¬serves international support.

105. Cyprus remains divided. United Nations

efforts based en clearly formulated positions on

the establish¬ment of an independent, united and

non-aligned Cyprus have yielded no results. We

welcome the continuation of the intercommunal

talks and hope that they, together with all the

other efforts being exerted, will bring about a

just and lasting solution.

106. In Central America and in the Caribbean

peo¬ples are fighting for their national and

social identity and for liberation from all kinds

of patronage and foreign interference.

107. The deterioration of the situation in

Europe is manifested primarily through the

escalation of the arms race, the introduction and

deployment of new types of weapons and the

obstruction of the channels of eco¬nomic,

cultural and other forms of co-operation among

European countries. In addition, European

security is directly affected by the situation

and security in the broader region of the

Mediterranean, including the Middle East, as well

as by the relations between blocs in all parts of

the world. Therefore, we attach great importance

to the resumption of the Madrid follow-up meeting

to the Conference on Security and Co-operation in

Europe, the successful outcome of which would

most certainly have a positive impact on

international relations in general.

108. Our efforts in the Mediterranean are

directed to transforming this sea and its

hinterland from a region of confrontation and

constant sabre-rattling into a region of overall

co-operation, security and mutual interaction of

the cultures of Mediterranean countries and

peoples. In a word, our efforts should be

directed towards creating the conditions of

peace, co-operation and progress for all.

109. The economic situation is becoming ever

more critical and a prolonged crisis is

permeating all areas of the world economy and

international relations. Although no country is

immune to certain difficulties, the developing

countries, which are victims of both the crisis

in the world economy and the inequitable system

of international economic relations, are hardest

hit by such a situation.

110. The critical situation in the world

economy is accompanied by ever more frequent

severing of economic ties, retrogression of

multilateral economic co-operation and withdrawal

into one's own narrow boundaries. International

economic co-operation is stagnating and giving

way to unilateral and bilateral moves which do

not lead to solutions but provoke even sharper

conflicts. The causes of the present crisis lie

above all in the structure and the existing

imbalance and inequality of the current system of

international economic relations. That is the

source of the constant widening of the economic

gap between developed and developing countries,

which not only further destabilizes the world

economy but also constitutes an increasing danger

to peace and security in the world.

111. The greatest responsibility for such a

state in the world economy is borne by the

industrially most developed countries. Their

extremely restrictive eco¬nomic and monetary

policies have not only led to deep recession and

increased unemployment but also hampered economic

growth in developing countries, considerably

increased their indebtedness and criti-cally

aggravated their balance of payments.

112. The present financial crisis which is

shaking the world economy and the international

financial system is a direct consequence of the

longstanding stagnation of the world economy and

international economic relations. Many countries,

particularly the developing ones, have found

themselves in a critical financial situation. The

fact that the developed countries show

insufficient understanding of the efforts of

developing countries to overcome these

difficulties seriously threatens the economic

growth and development of the latter, and this

could have far-reaching political and social

consequences.

113. The way out of the present particularly

difficult economic situation can be found only in

the strength¬ening of multilateral economic

co-operation and the establishment of the new

international economic order. The solution of the

accumulated economic problems would be in the

interest not only of developing coun¬tries but

also of the entire world economy and of progress

in general. In the context of the present

situation, which is fraught with a number of

problems and uncertainties, global negotiations

within the United Nations system and progress in

general appear to be the only possible course.

The launching of global negotiations has never

been so urgent.

114. The general unfavorable development of

the situation in the world has blocked the work

and the functioning of international

organizations and almost all multilateral

institutions. Particularly disquieting is the

situation in which the United Nations finds

itself. The Organization is becoming ever more

helpless in its efforts to play the role of an

effective guardian of peace, the protector of the

independence of countries and peoples and a forum

for solving major inter¬national issues by

promoting co-operation. The impotence of the

Security Council was manifested recently in

connection with the Lebanese crisis, as in

similar cases in the past, owing to the lack of

political readiness on the part of the big Powers

and the abuse of the right of veto. Victims of

aggression can rely less and less on the United

Nations for effective support.

115. The constant deterioration of

international rela¬tions calls for a most urgent

global response from the world community. It is

becoming ever more obvious that the key issues of

the present-day world cannot be dealt with and

even less resolved in a bilateral context,

between blocs and the big Powers. These issues

can be solved only on the basis of equal

par-ticipation and joint responsibility of all

members of the international community in their

defense of peace as the common heritage of

mankind, and within the framework of a new system

of international relations. The movement and

policy of non-alignment—which is constantly and

actively contributing to the develop¬ment of a

new concept of international community and to the

solving of international issues—have always

advocated the need for such global responses.

There¬fore, a strong and independent non-aligned

movement, which is constantly limiting the areas

of bloc con¬frontation, narrowing the room for

the creation of spheres of interest and widening

the basis for inter¬national co-operation, is

essential not only to the non- aligned countries

but also the entire international community.

H7. The non-aligned countries will urge once

again at the current session that the existing

tensions be overcome through a dialogue in which

all countries would participate on equal terms.

Their assessment that peace cannot be built on a

balance of terror, the arms race, bloc division,

spheres of interest, imposition of foreign will

and diktat upon peoples and countries, has been

fully confirmed. Not only would such peace be

fragile but it would also condemn the world to

perpetual instability. Only such peace enabling

all countries and peoples to exercise the right

to free development and equal security can be

stable and lasting. Those positions of the policy

and movement of non-alignment are more important

and crucial today than ever before.

118. Such a conception of non-alignment is

founded on the irrepressible aspiration of

peoples to participate in international life

freely and on a footing of equality. The validity

of such an approach is also confirmed by the fact

that the number of non-aligned countries in the

world has never been larger, that it constitutes

today two thirds of the international community,

that they have neverbeen more determined to

oppose any policy of force and that resistance to

the suppression of freedom and equality has never

been more resolute than now. Indeed, owing to

non-alignment inde¬pendence today does not amount

to mere balancing between the blocs or to

neutrality, but to active involvement in

international affairs. That is the basis for our

optimism that a way out of the current crisis can

be found and that the international community

must not be engulfed by desperation.

119. At this session we are confronted with

the major and responsible task of opposing

energetically any further deterioration of

international relations and to begin solving

issues on which agreement can already be reached.

The dangers are too imminent and the priorities

too well-known to allow any hesitation which

could have irretrievable and unforeseeable

con-sequences. AH the States Members of the

United Nations should be actively involved along

these lines, regardless of ideological, bloc,

regional and other orientations, and irrespective

of the level of economic development. Special

responsibility is borne by coun¬tries which have

certain special rights due to their military and

economic power. There is a solid basis of common

interest for such an effort. Resolute political

action should be taken for the purpose of

changing the present state of affairs, broadening

the foundations of co-operation and returning to

detente. That would be beneficial to all

countries.

120. In order to achieve this, it is necessary

to proceed to broad political negotiations, aimed

at halting the arms race and controlling it

within the framework of the process leading to

general and complete disar¬mament. Each step

toward that end would be welcome; it could be

taken without any danger of diminishing security,

since the leading nuclear Powers possess a

sufficient quantity of weapons for multiple

mutual destruction. If this is not done, the race

against armaments will be lost. No question of

prestige or illusory political advantage anywhere

in the world should prevent talks on the halting

of the arms race.

121. Far-reaching decisions on starting the

nego¬tiating process on all problems are also

necessary, taking into account that they should

not infringe upon the legitimate right of all

peoples and countries to security and an

independent development. Any com¬promise in this

sense would be not only amoral but also

destabilizing. Therefore, such negotiations

should deal not only with the arms race, because

the halting of the arms race, and even the

launching of the process of disarmament, in spite

of its significance for the problem of world

peace or war, could not bring about peace and

security for all peoples unless the use of force

is restrained.

122. It is an illusion that stability and

development can be limited to one part of the

world, while other parts remain hunting grounds

and spheres of rivalry and exploitation. It is

confirmed every day that the big Powers cannot be

sole arbiters even in their own backyards. That

is why fundamental changes should take place not

only in their mutual relations, but also in their

relations with the rest of the world, proceeding

from the perception that the world has changed,

that peace is indivisible, that peoples are not

ready to accept positions of passive resignation

or to live in permanent political, economic and

cultural sub-jugation.

.123. The non-aligned countries have always

under¬lined the particular importance of and the

need for the strengthening of the role of the

United Nations as an irreplaceable forum for the

maintenance of peace and security in the world

and for the solving of major international

problems. The principles and the goals of the

policy of non-alignment are in their essence

linked with the principles of the Charter of the

United Nations, with which they constitute an

indivisible whole. For this reason the

non-aligned countries are deeply interested in

the full implementation of the Charter and of the

role of the United Nations that inspired its

creation.

124. We believe that it is never redundant to

emphasize that all countries in their

international behavior should strictly comply

with the obligations they undertook when signing

the Charter. We are thinking here above all of

non-interference in the internal affairs of

State, the absolute inadmissibility of the use of

force in international relations, full respect of

independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity,

as well as the right of all peoples to decide on

their own destiny.

125. The United Nations should become an

instru¬ment which will enable these principles to

become everyday practice. The Organization,

namely its Member States, must strive for the

establishment of a system of collective security

which will guarantee freedom and opportunity for

independent development to every country. The

present very dramatic moment in international

relations is the consequence of nu¬merous

violations of obligations undertaken on the basis

of the Charter and of the non-implementation of

the decisions adopted by the General Assembly and

the Security Council.

126. A system of international relations

should be established which would fully secure

respect for and implementation of decisions

adopted by the main United Nations bodies. The

primary responsibility for this is borne by the

Security Council, which according to the Charter

is the principal organ for the main¬tenance of

international peace and security. We consider

that particular obligations of the permanent

members of the Security Council for the

main¬tenance of international peace, respect for

the principles of the Charter and the

implementation of the decisions of the United

Nations should again be pointed out. As a first

step in that direction we should secure at least

the full implementation of decisions adopted

unanimously in the Security Council.

127. We propose that comprehensive and

con¬crete action be undertaken for the

realization of the effective role of the United

Nations in solving major international issues. We

consider that there is enough room for the

promotion of such a role for the United Nations.

Perhaps this is the right time for a

com¬prehensive review of the functioning of the

United Nations, namely, of ways of improving its

effec¬tiveness. To that end, the experience

gathered during almost 40 years of existence and

work of the United Nations should be studied.

Article 109 of the Charter could serve as the

basis for such an endeavor, embracing all efforts

of the Member States and the organs of the United

Nations. In this way, concrete and practical

measures for the future could be elaborated.

128. We believe that a particular role should

be played by the Secretary-General, who in his

report has pointed to the existing problems and

difficulties. We should request him to devote

particular attention to the effective functioning

of the United Nations and to suggest adequate

measures. His efforts can, of course, yield

results only to the extent to which he will be

given support by the Member States.

129. Let me now add a personal note in this

playdoier on the urgent need to undertake

concrete measures to strengthen the role of the

United Nations. There are now assembled in this

Hall many represen¬tatives with considerable

experience of the work of the Organization.

Speaking for myself, in the many years of my deep

and active involvement in the work of the United

Nations I have looked to this rostrum where 1 am

now standing from all possible angles in this

Hall, from all different vantage points, as a

member of a delegation, as a permanent

representative and even as President of the

General Assembly. We have wit-nessed here many

historic events and heard the addresses of so

many statesmen and distinguished figures from all

over the world. In all those years I have

listened, probably, to more than a thousand

speeches and addresses in the general debates of

the general Assembly alone. Many representatives

gathered here have done the same. Why should we

not benefit from our own experience, from the

many lessons we have been taught, by advancing

many suggestions on how to strengthen the role of

the United Nations by improving the organization

of the work of the General Assembly and its main

bodies, by improving the procedures and

effectiveness of the work of this unique world

organization?

130. The role of the United Nations and the

effective¬ness of its work can be strengthened

and improved first of all by influence from

outside, with the political willingness of the

Member States and their Govern¬ments, but it

could be strengthened also from inside, with a

better atmosphere for work and a more dedicated

involvement of all representatives and members of

the Secretariat. At this historic moment in

international affairs, with aggravations and

escalations of all kinds, the time is coming to

review again the experiences of the past in the

work of the United Nations and to design new

moves for strengthening the role and

effec¬tiveness of the Organization, which, with

its place in the history of mankind, should never

be doomed to failure.

131. In conclusion, may I say that we expect

the Assembly at this session to contribute to the

non-use of force against independent countries

and to securing their free national and social

development; to render collective resistance to

the arms race; to contribute to the establishment

of a universal relaxation of tension; to

contribute to the launching of global

negotiations, for which, in spite of all

difficulties and ambiguities, favorable

conditions have been created proceeding from the

fact that all sectors have publicly acknowledged

that global negotiations are a political and an

economic necessity of the world today; to give

impetus to the resolving of crises, primarily

those which involve the liberation of peoples

under foreign and colonial domination as well as

all other crises where security, territorial

integrity, indepen¬dence and the

self-determination of countries and peoples are

jeopardized; and to prevent any encroach¬ment

upon the sovereignty, territorial integrity and

independence of peoples and to undertake resolute

measures against all those who have violated the

widely accepted principles and goals of the

United Nations as well as the decisions adopted

by its bodies.

132. Otherwise, we should find ourselves faced

with chaos and world catastrophe. The imposition

of the policy of faits accomplis as practice in

international relations must not be allowed.

133. The delegation of the Socialist Federal

Republic of Yugoslavia, together with the

delegations of non- aligned countries and all

other countries offering their co-operation, will

make its full contribution to the achievement of

that goal.

134. We are aware that the differences in the

per¬ception of the world will remain, that they

are constant and ever-enriching elements of its

pluralistic nature but, in our opinion, they

should not be incompatible with our common

interest in maintaining universal peace, which is

increasingly becoming the pre-condition for the

survival of humanity.