Venezuela, 1969

74. Madam President, please accept our warmest and most

sincere congratulations on your election as President of the

General Assembly. It is a just recognition of your personal

qualities and of your long and distinguished career in the

United Nations. It is also a well-deserved tribute to

womanhood and motherhood, and to a continent which

played an important part in forming the people and

national character of Venezuela. We have already had

occasion to appreciate the intelligence, tact and firmness

with which you direct our discussions, thus ensuring that

the work of the session will be orderly and fruitful.

75. We should be failing to pay a well-deserved tribute if

at this time, we were not to recall your predecessor,

Mr. Emilio Arenales. Mr. Arenales afforded us an unforgettable

example of dignity and strength of spirit in the

way in which he directed the work of the past session while

afflicted with great physical suffering.

76. I have the honour to address the General Assembly for

the first time as the representative of the Government

presided over by Mr. Rafael Caldera who, in keeping with

the constitutional and democratic tradition of Venezuela,

has been entrusted by the people of Venezuela with the

difficult task of leading the country along the path of

progress. On his behalf, I reaffirm Venezuela’s support for

the United Nations and for the principles of the Charter

which provide a basis for its activities.

77. The Government of Venezuela is determined to

remain faithful to the principles on which international

peace and co-operation are based. We do not, however,

consider it sufficient to adopt a purely static approach,

since the problems facing the international community, far

from remaining static, are increasing in gravity and complexity

faster than means can be found to solve them. The

Venezuelan Government wishes to make a determined

effort to join in the concerted and dynamic action that the

times demand.

78. However, efforts do not always produce the desired

results unless they are carried out as part of a coherent plan

laying down the goals towards which they should be

directed. These goals are, in our view, international social

justice and universal well-being.

79. As we all know, the early stages of the industrial

revolution produced the most inhuman conditions of

poverty for large masses of the population within each

country. As the differences between the haves and the

have-nots became more accentuated, an event occurred

which was to have far-reaching consequences: the have-nots

became aware of their own poverty and rebelled against it.

Fatalistic resignation to subhuman living conditions gave

way to a belief in collective responsibility for the well-being

of every member of the community, a responsibility

directly proportional to the capacity and wealth of each

individual.

80. There thus emerged a new view of the ideal of justice,

namely, social justice, justice as a regulating principle

restoring the balance between the haves and the have-nots,

between the strong and the weak, between the rich and the

poor and between employers and workers. In its name a

fight was waged to counter the abuses of the powerful, to

change the concept of society and its structures. As it was

considered that those who have more should contribute

more, the weight of the tax burden began to fall on the

wealthy. As employers and workers, too, were not in the

same situation, social legislation to protect workers was

evolved in order to put an end to the domination of the

socially weak by the socially strong. But this is something

that is so well known that there is no need to dwell on it

further. This process took place within each nation, at

different times but along the same general lines. The poor

became aware of their own poverty.

81. Today it has taken on a new dimension: it has become

international in character. The under-privileged peoples of

the world have become aware of their state. They are

realizing the extent of their under-development, which

cannot be concealed by such euphemisms as “developing

countries” or “relatively less developed countries”.

82. The spread of literacy, the press, radio, cinema,

television, easier and increasing communication between

peoples, and the very attitude of the developed countries in

their relations with the developing countries have led the

developing countries to realize that there is a section of

mankind which is over-endowed. The resignation of former

years has given way to the desire to work for an end to this

unjust situation in international relations. And today,

nations, as individuals did in the past, look to international

social justice as an ideal to inspire and guide their activities.

83. At the national level, marked economic, social and

cultural inequalities give rise to tensions and disturbances of

various kinds, and, at the international level, make peace an

illusion.

84. The exploitation of man by man undoubtedly generates

violence. How then can the exploitation of one

country by another engender peace on earth? How, I also

ask, could we describe the exploitation of one country by

another as anything but a situation of domination and

subjection? How indeed can we describe the relations

between the developed nations — whatever banner they

fly — and the developing nations except in terms of domination

and subjection?

85. The policy of blocs and the concentration of world

power around two great Powers have caused serious defects

in international assistance.

86. Under one system, economic domination inevitably

leads to political and cultural penetration. Under another,

political and ideological domination also implies economic

control and exploitation. Both systems, though their

emphasis and methods differ, result in what can only be

called an objective situation of subjection.

87. Development financing is, in fact, subject to many

conditions. Disinterested donations are the exception. In

one case, the “beneficiary” country is a victim of the

developed country’s desire for profit and has to repay what

it has received with interest and to compromise its

economic freedom. In the other case, the so-called beneficiary

country is a victim of the developed country’s desire

for ideological penetration and sees its structures invaded

and its political freedom removed. The actual words used

convey the underlying ideas. Reference is made to “aid” to

the under-developed countries, thus apparently attributing

generosity to the donor. In point of fact, generally

speaking, the provision of resources either represents a

straightforward commercial transaction or pursues ideological

or political goals; in neither case does it warrant the

connotation of the word “aid“.

88. What is more, in the developed countries the tax

systems — whatever form they take — generally place the

burden of taxation on those who possess most. These

nations believe this is a logical system where their own

countries are concerned, and this is so, since it is in

accordance with social distributive justice. Why, I ask, is

not this same principle applied to international relations?

Why are there two weights and two measures? Is it not the

same social justice transposed to the level of relations

between countries? Why is a principle operative in national

economies not operative in the world economy? The result

would be radically different, since something which is an

obligation could scarcely be described as “aid”. The wealth

of the developed countries has its roots in the poverty of

the developing countries. Thus, on the international plane,

the developed countries have — in all justice — certain duties

towards the developing countries. It is therefore a matter

not of concessions, but of obligations.

89. This might seem somewhat exaggerated. Let us remember,

however, in this respect the serious problem of the

constant deterioration in terms of trade and its important

sole in the “vicious circle of poverty”.

90. In his Introduction to this year’s annual report, the

Secretary-General states that “development is the long slow

road to peace” [A/7601/Add.1, para. 84]. The distance we

have travelled along this road is frankly unsatisfactory, and

it will continue to be unsatisfactory so long as no effective

efforts are made by the more developed countries to

support the efforts of the United Nations. The praiseworthy

efforts of UNCTAD and its Secretary-General, our

distinguished compatriot Mr. Manuel Pérez Guerrero, can

achieve nothing concrete so long as the States that have the

resources, far from using them to promote a more

reasonable and just international economic order, continue

by their behaviour to aggravate the present unacceptable.

situation. The deterioration in the terms of trade, the

growing cost of financial resources and the increasingly

difficult access to technological advances are daily widening

the gap separating the developed countries — which are a

true international oligarchy — from the rest, which in increasingly

difficult situations are struggling to ensure

genuinely human conditions of life for their peoples.

91. I have one further observation to make. The lack of

any criterion of social justice in the policy of development

aid frequently has the effect of strengthening inequitable

structures in the developing countries.

92. Moreover, man’s landing on the moon opens up new

horizons for human existence. The earth is no longer the

only sphere of man’s activities. Man has reached outer

space, and thus gives a vital new dimension to life. This

fact, which has still not been sufficiently assimilated, sheds

a new light on the concept of “mankind”. As the earth

grows smaller and smaller, men feel closer and closer to

each other. It is easier to understand, or rather to feel, the

solidarity that is needed among nations.

93. It is obvious that participation in the international

community cannot be based on the selfish and negative idea

of the benefits to be derived from the political domination

and economic exploitation of other countries. This is so

obvious, that, as can clearly be seen, the peoples of the

developing countries feel the need to unite against an unjust

international order, just as the under-privileged within each

State feel the need to unite against those who are

responsible for their deprivation.

94. Thus there has emerged—although still in an imprecise

form — the idea of a universal common good that demands

the support of all the peoples of the world. International

structures must be adapted for the purpose of achieving this

universal common good, and to this end the mistaken and

harmful concept of selfish nationalism must be superseded

by a concept of sovereignty and patriotism based on

solidarity among nations and applied in the light of the

values of international social justice. Consequently, we

must move from an international order based on bilateral

agreements between Governments towards one founded on

multilateral institutions established by the peoples. We

must move from national autarchies to the creation of a

supra-national society through successive processes of integration.

In short, we must work towards an international

order aimed at the universal common good and based on

international social justice.

95. Having described the foundations which, in my

Government’s view, are indispensable for the attainment of

lasting and fruitful peace for the full development of man,

we wish to express our most fervent hope that violence will

be banished from the world. The most obvious form of

violence — war - still persists in Asia, Africa and the Middle

East in all its tragic manifestations: the dead and the

wounded, hunger, destruction, poverty and the shipwreck

of man’s dignity. We are shocked and deeply disturbed that

efforts to achieve peace have ended in failure.

96. But armed struggle is not the only form of violence.

Colonial oppression that prevents nations from choosing

their own destiny is also a form of violence. The historic

tradition of Venezuela, bequeathed by, the Liberator.

Simon Bolivar, compels my country to support all measures

designed to eliminate the detestable colonial system,

whatever form and characteristics it may assume.

97. There is another form of violence in our world which

it is our duty to combat, namely, degrading and cruel

racism. Racial persecution is a serious threat to world peace

and a burden on the conscience of every free man. The

blood of three races which runs intermingled in the veins of

the Venezuelan people makes us particularly sensitive to

this absurd form of hatred among men. When these

practices, instead of being combated by Governments, are

institutionalized by them and proclaimed as official policy,

they constitute an intolerable mockery of the very bases of

the international community.

98. To these forms of violence we should add one other:

religious discrimination. We had thought that it was

something that belonged to the past, but we see with

concern that it is re-emerging in various parts of the world

and that it, too, constitutes a threat to understanding

among men.

99. In this general debate we have refrained from explaining

in detail our position on specific agenda items. Our

delegation will express its views on each item as it is

discussed. We should like, nevertheless, to take this opportunity

to make a few general comments about the Organization.

100. We are concerned at the loss of authority and

prestige suffered by the United Nations, which in our

opinion is still the international community’s best instrument

for achieving peace and justice in the world. There are

complex reasons for this weakening of the United Nations,

which many speakers have described in the course of this

general debate: non-compliance with its resolutions by

certain Member States; the lack of a sense of realism on the

part of delegations that are more interested in adoption of

draft resolutions than in the actual possibilities of action by

the Organization; the unjustified refusal of other delegations

to support specific measures for the implementation

of principles and standards generally accepted by the

international community; the excessive number of meetings,

documents and words; the dispersal of efforts; the

limitations of the Charter, and so on. All these reasons have

undoubtedly affected the state of affairs, but in our view

the root of the problem is the lack of a general political will

to work within the framework of the United Nations and

actively to promote the principles and purposes of the Charter.

101. There is clearly a tendency for the great Powers to

leave the United Nations to one side in considering the

main international issues. We other Member States encourage

this attitude, which is gradually undermining the

very foundations of the Organization, through inactivity

and our inability to work together and make our contribution

to the study of those items.

102. While the policy of a balance of power among

nations, among the great Powers, was incapable of ensuring

peace in the past, the possibilities of creating a just

international order today on-the basis of that same system

are remote indeed. It might be argued that this balance of

power has prevented a world conflict. We cannot forget,

however, that we have been on the brink of the abyss on

more than one occasion. Moreover, the maintenance of this

precarious balance entails the investment of vast sums on

the acquisition of complex and costly systems of attack or

defence. In any event, the balance of power did not prevent

the armed conflicts that have broken out in various parts of

the world since the end of the Second World War.

103. A new international order must be based on

recognition of the unity and indivisibility of mankind’s

destiny and of the inherent dignity of human beings, and

should be aimed at the development of the whole man and

of all mankind.

104. In examining all these problems, we think of the

heavy burden borne by our Secretary-General, U Thant. We

know his devotion to the cause of peace, his spirituality and

his will to serve, all of which constitute a guarantee of

patient and fruitful action. We congratulate the Secretary-General

on his positive efforts and we offer him our

support and our co-operation.

105. Next year the United Nations will have been in

existence for a quarter of a century. That will be a

magnificent opportunity to make a clear and realistic

analysis of its structure and effectiveness and of the role

that it is destined to play in a rapidly changing world.

106. In this analysis we must obviously assess the real

results that have been achieved. But this in itself is not

enough. In a constructive spirit, we must ask ourselves

whether our peoples still believe in the United Nations as an

effective instrument for the maintenance of international

peace and for the promotion of the necessary economic and

social development.

107. Moreover, the post-war generation must receive our

special attention. Animated by praiseworthy concerns and

impelled by a tireless energy, this generation can and must

be a positive and decisive factor in contemporary history.

But we must likewise ask ourselves: will this generation

retain its faith in the United Nations? If we can ensure that

our most precious resource, youth, participates in the

activities of the United Nations, we should be taking a great

step forward towards the future realization of the great

hopes born at San Francisco.