Vanuatu, 1983

89. Mr. President, I extend to

you and your country the warm congratulations and

sincere best wishes of the Government and people of

Vanuatu on your election to the high office of President

of the thirty-eighth session of the General Assembly. This

promises to be a most significant session and perhaps one

of the most critical international gatherings of modern

history. We are confident that your leadership will be

equal to the task and will reflect your many years of

diplomatic experience and expertise, your careful and

considered judgement and the courage and candour for

which you and the Government and people of Panama

are noted.

90. Under your guidance we anticipate the same thoughtfulness and impartiality which our deliberations enjoyed

during the last session under the very capable leadership

of Mr. Imre Hollai of Hungary. His also was a difficult

tenure and one which earned the gratitude of the entire

international community.

91. We also believe that congratulations are in order to

another outstanding diplomat, Mr. Davidson Hepburn,

the representative of the Bahamas. His candidacy for

the office of President of this year's General Assembly

strengthened the democratic process within the United

Nations and was a visible and dignified expression of the

vitality of the Organization's democracy. His candidacy

was also important for two other reasons. First, he represents a country which, like ours, is a small isled developing State. Very often the particular difficulties and

needs of such States are overlooked within the international arena. Secondly, his country is in a sub region, the

Caribbean, which like our own sub region, the South

Pacific is similarly often overlooked. It is our hope that

Mr. Hepburn's candidacy will at last signal an awakening

to the fact that all nations, like all people, are created

equal.

92. Panama Is also a country small in size but great in

stature and reputation. Thus, this year's friendly contest

for the presidency of the General Assembly made winner

of us all. It afforded us the unique opportunity to choose

between two highly qualified candidates from smash countries. For this reason we salute you both and say to you

that we will all be forever grateful.

93. We also congratulate the Government and people

of Saint Christopher and Nevis, another small island

developing into a State, on their country's attainment of independence and on becoming the iS8th Member of the

United Nations. Its presence in our midst strengthens the

Organization and its democracy and bears witness to the

universality of mankind and this world body.

94. It is occasionally necessary to applaud and exercise

in democracy here at the United Nations because some

do not always practise what they preach. There are those

who espouse a belief in the dignity and quality of all?

mankind and all nations yet ignore the smaller countries

until they seek our votes on a specific item. There are

those who profess a belief in freedom of expression yet the

General Assembly does not welcome the exercise of such freedom by smaller

States that may, on occasion, hold different positions

from those they have taken. There are those who like us

believe in a free market of ideas. However, they do

resent when the mood strikes them

to close the market or force it to move elsewhere

because they do not always like the ideas being presented.

95. Obviously such thinking is not only irrational but

also painfully short-sighted and rather childish. For mankind, the United Nations is still a great

organization, it is certainly not perfect. Nothing mankind

has yet created can claim that distinction. However, it

is perhaps the best and most important institution we have?

yet created. If we have the will it can be strengthened and

made better, but only if we have the will and if we respect

and enhance its decisions and its democratic processes.

96. This is not to say that these critics do not come from

democratic societies. In fact, the irony is that their own

societies are in many ways models of democracy for the

protection of individual rights. We simply wish that they

would pause for a moment to reflect on the democratic

ideas of other societies, including those that stress the

protection of collective rights. Furthermore, we wish that

everyone would lend stronger support to the practice of

democracy than to the exercise of power in international

deliberations.

97. We in Vanuatu owe a great deal to the United

Nations, as does every other nation that was a colony at

the close of the Second World War. Others who owe a

great deal to the United Nations include millions of

persons who are no longer ravaged by hunger and disease

or who have a place to sleep or who can read because

of the work of the United Nations specialized agencies?

Big nations and small nations owe a great deal to the

Organization because it has provided a universal forum

for discussion and exchange where there was none before.

98. Naturally, the United Nations cannot be given credit

for every advance mankind has made since 1945, but it

can certainly be credited with enough to make us all proud. Not the least of the world body's accomplishments

is that it has brought us together from all corners of the

globe and made it somewhat easier for us to communicate

to get to know each other, bridging unnatural gaps

of suspicion and distrust. The United Nations cannot be

Named if we, the Members, have not taken full advantage

of this opportunity.

99. We in Vanuatu are fortunate. Ours is a free and

open society, and we are situated in a region with neighbours who respect our tight to draw our own conclusions

and develop our country in our own fashion. We are rightfully proud of the South Pacific: its physical beauty,

its unique manner and its still unrealised potential. One

of our fondest wishes is that people from other regions

will get to know and appreciate us and our region a little

bit more. For us, this session of the General Assembly

is an important step in that process

100. It is always a rare and unique privilege to address

the General Assembly. This year the privilege is even rarer

and more unique because of the presence of so many

distinguished heads of States or Government here at this

thirty-eighth sessions. Most have come in response to the

appeal made at the Seventh Conference of Heads of State

or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at New

Delhi in March 1983, and the subsequent urging of the

highly esteemed chairperson of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, our good friend Mrs Indira Gandhi,

Prime Minister of India. All have come in recognition

of the fact that the United Nations, despite its shortcomings and its critics, continues to be the best, and perhaps

the last hope of mankind for our very survival on this

planet. In no other forum are all of the peoples of the

world represented. In no other forum do representatives

of the strong and the weak, the rich and the poor, the

proud and the humble, the well-educated and the undereducated of the entire world sit together and in theory,

if not always in fact, work together for solutions to the

problems which threaten our very existence as a form of

life.

102. The attendance of so many world leaders at this

year's session signifies a long-overdue recognition of the

importance of the Organization. We hope that it will also

signify a renewed commitment on the part of all of its

Members to the letter and to the spirit of the Charter.

We hope too, that it will signify a firm determination to

take seriously the admonition of our able Secretary-

General, who, in his most recent report on the work of,

the Organization said, "A continuous effort

to contribute to the implementation of United Nations

decisions should be an integral part of the foreign policy

of Member States to a far greater extent than it is at the

present time." -

103. In his report, the Secretary-General has once again

demonstrated the candour and insightful analysis which

we have come to expect of him and his excellent staff and

which is so essential if we, the Members of the United

Nations, are to take the necessary steps to strengthen the

Organization and make it more effective. We must remember that the failures and shortcomings of the United

Nations are the failures and shortcomings of the membership. All of us, large and small, old and new, developed and developing, share this responsibility. Either I

shall make our work here meaningful and successful or

we shall by our own actions reduce it to meaningless

irrelevance and abstraction. The choice lies with us. Our

respective peoples perceive the United Nations through

our actions and attach as much meaning to its pronouncements as we ourselves do.

104. No one can deny that the United Nations, and

Indeed mankind, is at this very moment at one of those

Important and innumerable crossroads which recur in the

course of human history. At this moment, we are faced

with daily reminders of how technology has figuratively

reduced the size of the globe and brought us all closer

together. Unfortunately, the very same technology has

far too often fuelled, in some people, an uncontrollable

greed and desire to rule and control the resources of other

people. Thus, although we live in a world of great abundance, which is capable of producing even more, far too

many people live in a world of constant scarcity. This

scarcity is not only a scarcity of material goods, which

would be difficult enough to explain and cope with, but

a scarcity of respect and of opportunity.

105. It is this tatter scarcity which is most distressing

and most inexcusable as we stand poised on the brink of

the twenty-first century, it is this scarcity more titan any

other factor which has been to the seemingly never-ending

series of global shockwaves and confrontations between

the world's "haves" and its "have-nots".

106. The world's super-Powers certainly have their own

contradictions and causes for conflict. However, it would

be a grievous error to attempt to define all of the worlds

present problems in terms of super-Power rivalry. Rivalries between States and even between social systems come

and go. However, the aspirations, goals and dreams of people—all people,

men, women and children—are constant. All want the

same things—-a better life, understanding and respect.

107. Is there a better institution to address itself to these

aspirations and dreams than the United Nations

We think not. Can the United Nations do so with greater

charity and more effectiveness We think so. Should the

world community continue the investment it has already

made in the United Nations Without doubt. We believe

that the United Nations has already given us all a favourable return and justified its existence many times over.

108. We must remember that the United Nations is an

outgrowth of the Second World War alliance against the

Axis Powers. As such, the Organization represents an

international alliance against fascism, militarism and

racism.

109. It was never intended to be, and because of its

nature and the realities of our world it can never effectively be, an alliance against communism any more than it can, or even should, be an alliance against capitalism.

The social and economic system that any country chooses

to live under is a matter that is best left to the people of

that country. This is true regardless of that country's

name, size or location, be it the United States or be it

Nicaragua.

110. The United Nations has been at its best in heaping

to prevent another world war and in helping promote and

accelerate the process of decolonization. It has been

a platform for the denunciation of one economic and social system by the proponents of

another. Such crusades are best left to other bodies, as

they seriously hamper and undermine our effectiveness.

It would be wise for all of us to remember that

the world's two foremost Powers are both significant

stronger than the rest of us. Neither one needs any of

us to fight its battles. However, the consequences of any

such fight affects each and every one of us. Therefore,

we have as much of an interest in the rational and reasonable exercise of the tremendous power possessed by

these two great nations as they themselves do.

112. Our search, therefore, must be for some common

ground or common denominator on which they and we

can continue our quest for peace, development and survival. Let our children decide the future, but let us ensure

that there will be a future

113. In assessing the current state of the United Nations,

one is reminded of the story of the two Individuals who,

upon looking at the same glass of water, had different

observations. One, the pessimist, observed that the glass

was half empty. The other, the optimist, observed that

the glass was half full. That story applies to any assessment of the United Nations and of world affairs.

114. Yes, there are vexing problems which plague the

world and seem as If they will never be resolved. In South Africa and the Middle East a pervasive pattern

of institutionalized racism has bequeathed a legacy of

intercommunal strife which at times appears to be insouble except by force of arms. In South-East Asia more

than four decades of ceaseless and unremitting warfare

and destruction have left the people and their and devastated. Rather than help to rebuild what they destroyed, those who once sponsored Lon Nol now sponsor Pol Pot, thereby hindering reconciliation and the economic and social reconstruction of the area.

115.In South and Central America, the just and legitimate strivings of people for justice, equality, land, bread

and freedom have been labelled subversive by the despots

who rule every facet of their lives. Fascistic death squads

operate with impunity and include among their victims

defenceless peasants, priests, nuns, teachers and school

children. In the South Pacific, we find most of the worlds

remaining non-self-governing territories, and we find the

part of this world that has faced the greatest exposure

to nuclear tests, with little regard for the safety of human

beings and the environment.

In reaction to those conditions of poverty, disease and illiteracy they have

been forced to endure, the peoples of Africa, Asia and

South and central America and the Caribbean have

themselves begun the process of changing the conditions

of their lives. Naturally, the various peoples of the South

Pacific is also an integral part of this process of change.

It should also came as no surprise that a great many

people from the developed world are also part of this

process of change. Some of them share in our history and

have themselves been cruelty exploited. All of them share

our vision of the future.

At times this process of change has moved forward

quietly and almost imperceptibly. At other times it has

proceeded dramatically with a mighty roar and great

turbulence. In most instances the manner in which the

process proceeded was determined by those who sought

to abort the process of change. "Power concedes noting

without a demand," observed Frederick Douglass. "It

never did, and it never will," said that great son of Africa,

who with his people helped end legal slavery in the United

States over 100 years ago. Today his words are as prophetic and as meaningful as they were then:

"If there is no struggle, there is no progress. Those

who profess to favour freedom, yet deprecate agitation

are men who want crops without ploughing up the

ground. They want rain without thunder and lightning.

They want the ocean without the awful roar of its many

waters."

Those words should be borne in mind during our deliberations, particularly on those items which seem to remain

on our agenda with no apparent solution in sight.

118. After so many years, it is not easy to understand

why the people of Palestine cannot return to their homes.

It is difficult to comprehend why South Africa must be

given even more inducements to end its illegal occupation

of Namibia. It is difficult to fathom how rational minds

can treat the neo-fascist regime in Pretoria like a civilized

nation, which it is not, rather than like the outcast and

pariah which it is.

119. Some have suggested that we, the international

community, have not been patient enough or that we are

not moderate enough in considering these issues and In

framing resolutions on these topics. Others argue quite

convincingly that we have already been too patient and

that we have no right to be any more moderate than we

have been. After all, they say, how patient and how

moderate was the international community four decades

ago in the face of the same fascism, the same militarism

and the same racism that we are counselled to be to

patient with and so moderate towards today

120. Perhaps there is an argument that can be made for

toning down some of these resolutions. We do not know.

We simply know that we have not yet heard valid reasons

for voting against resolutions that seek to redress valid

grievances.

121. It seems to us that those with publicity proclaim an

intention to embrace South Africa must themselves accept

responsibility for resolutions which criticize such an

embrace. To do otherwise is to suggest that some of us

are above criticism, and certainty our Creator never

intended that any of us think that of ourselves. That

would be the height of arrogance and would undoubtedly

bring down the indignation and the wrath of the Creator.

122. The situations in title Middle East and in southern

Africa is indeed tragic. They are tragic for the victims

who live in those areas and tragic for us, all of mankind,

as well.

123. For the victims, the people of those areas, our

primary feelings are not feelings of pity, sympathy, soar-

row or pessimism. Towards them, our primary feelings

are feelings of support, solidarity, encouragement and

optimism. To them we are grateful, for they renew in all

of us the very best of human qualities. Our pity, our

sympathy and our sorrow are reserved for those people

who choose to remain on the side-lines, passively accepting, or for those who tragically imitate Israel

and South Africa in other regions.

124. Indonesia is a country which we have long admired

and respected. It is a country which by its actions helped

inspire the decolonization process and tater became a

founder of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. It

is a large and powerful country which we consider a

friend.

125. Although Vanuatu is Indonesia's friend, we also

realize that a true friend is not one who tells another

simply what he wishes to hear. Difficult as It may be, a

true friend must on occasion be painfully honest and tell

a friend what that friend may not wish to hear. Such is

the case with respect to Indonesia's Invasion, occupation

and attempted annexation of East Timor.

126. East Timor is another small South Pacific country,

like our own. Its people fought on the side of the Allies

during the Second World War and paid dearly for their

commitment to what became the Ideals of the United

Nations. Like more than two thirds of the nations represented here today, the people of East Timor saw the post-war era as the time to re-assert their own political and

social independence. Tragically, Indonesia's military

rulers interrupted East Timor's decolonization process as

that process was in its final stages.

127. The resulting brutalization of East Timor's people

has also brutalized Indonesia's image as a nation. How

can one so large justify such heavy-handed repression of

a small neighbour. Hundreds of thousands of Innocent men,

women and children had to nay with their lives and so

many mote are still paying of sudden disappearances,

detention without explanation, and torture. Why has

every effort to provide even the minimum humanitarian

assistance to the beleaguered people of East Timor been

thwarted by the Indonesian authorities?

128. Certainly, no rational person would suggest that

there is an acceptable double standard on questions of

colonization, colonialism and human rights. Where is it written

that colonialism is wrong only when the colonial

Power Is a European nation? Where is it written that the

systematic denial of fundamental human rights, including

the very right to life itself, is evil only when the violator

happens to be a European nation?

129. If we accept Indonesia's actions in East Timor,

then with what legal authority do we challenge Israel's

annexation of Jerusalem and the Golan Heights? If we

accept Indonesia's brutality in East Timor, then with what

moral authority do we challenge apartheid? If we, the

former colonies of the world are not true to our own

pronouncements on colonialism and human rights when

it comes to East Timor, then we have not yet freed ourselves from the old discredited values of those who called themselves our masters.

130. It is not easy, nor is it a pleasant experience, to

be compelled to focus so critically upon the actions of

a country which was once a mode and an inspiration to

our Own people and others who were colonized. It is,

however, more difficult and less pleasant to bear witness

to what has been done to the people of East Timor. It

is also difficult to comprehend the more bankruptcy of

those who speak so eloquently on other matters, but who

remain silent on the question of East Timor.

131. We as a nation are not cynical enough to have

interests which would lead us to close our eyes to the

injustices imposed on our fetor human beings in East

Timor. Were we to acquiesce in Indonesia's actions, we

would not be true to the Charter of the United Nations

nor to ourselves, or to our children and the future we

would bequeath to them.

132. We are reminded of an important directive issued

during the struggle to free Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verge

from colonial domination: "Hide nothing from the

masses of the people. Tell no ties, claim no easy victories." Those words are as appropriate here In this chamber today as they were in West Africa in 1968.

133. We, therefore, once again appeal to Indonesia to

save its soul as a nation and to be true to its heritage

and stature by negotiating a speedy and complete withdrawal of its forces from East Timor. Let the people of

that country decides their own fate, and let the United

Nations assist in that process. This is why we have a

United Nations.

134. New Caledonia is another non-self-governing territory in the South Pacific and another example of why

we have the Organization. It is also another matter which

coils for us, the International community, to "tell no lies,

claim no victories".

135. New Caledonia is the world's second largest producer of niece. Therefore, the struggle by Its people to

gain their independence has posed and undoubtedly will

continue to pose a second question: who will control the

enormous economic potential of this small developing

country

136. Without a doubt, all of us here today are well

aware of the role that economics played In the colonization of most of the world. We are also certainly aware

of the fact that it is the mineral wealth of Namibia and

of South Africa that lies behind the complicated political

web spun by those who do not wish to see the people of

those countries control their own resources. New Caledonia's people face similar obstacles for the same reasons.

137. In New Caledonia, as In southern Africa, the settler

population usually acts contrary to the Interests of the

indigenous population. This the world understands and

has come to expect.

138. What is less well understood, however, Is that the

settler population, having its own narrow and specific

Interests to protect, often acts contrary as well to the

broader Interests of the metropolitan Power. Such became the ease in Algeria and in Zimbabwe; such Is the

case in Namibia and In South Africa; and such is the ease

in New Caledonia.

139. Generally speaking, metropolitan Powers do not

have a direct interest in the maintenance of rigid and

exclusionary social codes which hamper economic growth

and development. This is particularly true when those

social codes, by whatever name they are called, are operable far from the physical environs of the metropolitan Power. Thus, apartheid, or segregation, comes to be seen

as outmoded, unnecessary and even threatening to the

broader, more general economic interests of the metropolitan Power. Eventually, the metropolitan Power may,

for its own purposes, even seek to appear to be paying

a leading role in ending a particularly odious social code.

140. Naturally, none of this occurs overnight. It takes

time for the contradiction to arise, more time for it to

be recognized, art even mere time for the effort to

reconcile it to be put into operation, in the meantime,

those who have been victims of the social code usually

have begun their own process of change. Generality speaking, wit they have in mind is a more far-reaching and

fundamental change.

The metropolitan Power then faces a dilemma. On

the one hand, it is in a sense captive to a restive and

obstinate stir population. On the other hand, it finally

reaches toast its tong-term interests are best served by

making a more reasonable and rational accommodation

with the indigenous population. its main preoccupation

now becomes how to buy itself sufficient time to make

the necessary accommodation and how to balance the

competing antagonisms of the settlers and the indigenous

population.

142. In this respect New Caledonia differs from South

Africa primarily in the nature of the metropolitan Power.

South Africa no longer has one easily identifiable metropolitan Power. France, on the other hand, is dearly

the identifiable metropolitan Power which both the setters and the indigenous population now petition.

143. New Caledonia is similar to South Africa in the

hardened racial attitudes of some of its European settlers.

To them, the indigenous Kayak population is not worthy

of the basic and elementary dignity, respect and legal

rights that most human beings are now able to take for

granted. Many of these intransigent settlers are former colons who left Algeria after the Organisation armee secrete, the notorious OAS, failed in its efforts to abort Algeria's independence and murder Charles de Gaulle, then President of France, in the process.

144. The people of New Caledonia have extended a

warm and open hand of friendship to all who would work

together in a free and independent nation. Theirs is a

vision of a non-exclusionary South Pacific nation in

which all human beings would be treated as equals.

145. We believe that the Government of France is sincerely searching for answers to the questions raised concerning New Caledonia's future. The reforms that France

has introduced have certainty helped, and they demonstrate a sincere commitment to an effort to and some

common ground upon which the competing interests may be reconciled.

146. The South Pacific Forum, at its meeting at Canberra on 29 and 30 August, took note of France's efforts

in this regard. However, we, the South Pacific heads of

Government, also declared our support for independence for New Caledonia, and we urged the French Government to consider, in conducting any act of self-determination, the desirability of excluding from the franchise short-term or non-permanent residents of New Caledonia. This is in recognition of the fact that to be valid

the exercise of self-determination must be by the people

of a particular country themselves, and those who

have not even lived there but have been brought there

and permitted to vote m order to outweigh the wishes of

the legitimate population must not take part, in its totality, the Canberra communiqué supports the right of self-determination. It urges the various sectors of the nation to work closely with France to ensure a peaceful transition to independence. It is laudable in its aims and

practical it its approach, including the decision to review

the situation next year and to consider the desirability of

re-inscription of New Caledonia on the United Nations

list of non-self-governing territories.

147. The Vanuatu Government is confident that New

Caledonia will soon assume its rightful place as an independent nation. Toward that end, we urge Members of the United Nations to keep themselves apprised of

the situation in this economically important tend and to

support the initiatives of New Caledonia's people, as have

the Governments of the South Pacific.

148. We in the South Pacific have another major preoccupation, in addition to our concern for the remaining

non-self-covering territories in our area. All our Governments, including those of Australia and New Zealand,

have taken strong stands against nuclear testing in our

area.

149. The peoples of the Pacific have always respected

and been at peace with their environment. To us, our

lands, our skies and our ocean have always been a source

of spiritual guidance as we as a means of sustaining life.

150.Others have now come to our area to conduct tests,

store material and dump wastes that would not be tolerated in their own waters and on their own tends. Despite

the strong representation of all Governments in the area,

this reckless disregard for human life and the environment

continues almost unabated. Our opposition is based on

moral as well as scientific grounds, invitations by France

or by any other nuclear Power to visit test sites wit never

reduce the strength of our moral objections. We, the

people of the South Pacific, have made it clear that we

want an immediate end to the testing of any and ail

nuclear weapons in our region.

151. It is for this reason that our Government supports

proposals for the establishment of a nuclear-free Pacific.

This past July we were proud to host an international

conference on a nuclear-free and independent Pacific. To

all but the most myopic observer, it is clear that the two

go hand in hand; indeed, we submit that it will in fact

be difficult to achieve a nuclear-free Pacific until there

is an independent Pacific and until the respective peoples

of the area are free to decide for themselves whether this

defilement of our land, sea and air shall continue.

152. Economic development in the South Pacific is a

difficult and somewhat elusive goal. Some of our count-

tries are blessed with abundant mineral resources, seem

with abundant agricultural resources, and others with

neither. Most are under populated. All are separated by

many miles of ocean, making communications and transportation major problems.

Finally, this latter character: exacerbates our present state of underdevelopment

and preoccupies us all.

153. For these reasons, the United Nations Convention

on the Law of the Sea is so important. It is our

hope that someday this Convention will be universally acclaimed and unanimously accepted, as it has already

been by an overwhelming majority of our neighbour.

154. Being a stall island State ourselves, we support

the concerns of other such States that their territorial

integrity be respected and preserved. We too have a

territorial dispute with a major Power. We hope that

France will in good faith negotiate an accept

with us and that the islands of Matthew and Hunter will

once again be administered as part of our country, which

they are.

155. Both the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and

the United Nations have begun to focus on the unique

problems of small island developing States. The recently

concluded conference of experts hosted by the Government of Grenada is a very positive step in the right direction. it is our hope that the work of the conference can

continue and deceive the support of the entire international community.

156. We recognize that the problems of small Islands

developing States are only one of a host of economic

problems plaguing the world today. The depressed state

of the world economy, with the universal phenomenon

of international inflationary pressures, is a major concern The need for international monetary reform and

the expansion of international trade is well documented.

The twin needs of greater North-South dialogue and

greater South-South economic trade and co-operation are

also well known. So many major economic problems

confront us today that one hardly knows where and how

to begin cataloguing them.

157. The resolution of these problems is going to necessitate a serious and long-term commitment by each of us.

Perhaps it will be painful, but we should probably begin

with critical self-examinations of our respective histories,

policies and priorities.

158. None of us is perfect, large or small, developed

or developing. Those who pontificate and preach to us

that we must follow the same path of development that

they followed understand neither history nor economics.

The world is different today from what it was 200 years

ago, or even 20 years ago, and our objective conditions

are certainly different. Modern technology has rendered

obsolete much of what we learned and have dramatically

increased the gap between those nations which "have"

and those which "have not".

159. No nation today has the luxury of developing in

isolation, at its own pace. Radio, films, television, books,

newspapers and magazines all bring the affluent world

to the attention of the citizens of all countries. Very few

Governments exist today which can resist the attendant

pressures to bring that or a comparable good life to its

own citizens.

160. Wealth that was created, at least in part, as a direct

consequence of legalized slavery, colonialism and the

theft of other people's natural resources is inaccurately

portrayed as resulting solely from the hard work and

natural intelligence of those who came to possess that

wealth.

161. It is not at all possible or even desirable for us to

develop our countries by rigid imitations of the West or

the East. We cannot isolate ourselves, but we most certainly can develop our own methodology and our own

healthy economy and social mix. We certainly do not have

the option of salting to distant shores and stealing land

or having people to labour for us. as others have in the

past. Even if that option were available, it is not the way

we would choose to develop. While we do not live in the

past, we most certainly remember our shared history.

162. This is not to suggest for one moment that things

today are as one-sided as we might like to believe. We,

the developing countries are also imperfect. Some of us

have neglected to practise what we preached. Some are

afraid to be candid in assessing our own performances,

as if our adversaries and friends did not already know

where we have fallen short. Some continue to make

capital mistakes; others among us continue tic make soda

mistakes. Some manage to make both.

163. For us to begin to take corrective action, we must

first be true to ourselves. For us to be taken seriously,

we must first take ourselves seriously. We will undoubtedly command as much respect as we demand by our own

efforts, our own consistency and, most importantly, our

own sacrifices, personal and institutional

164. Now more than ever we must respect the universality of mankind and plan for the future. There are

literally dozens of pressing problems confronting the

international community today. Bach successive crisis

seems to overshadow the previous one.

165. Perhaps none in recent memory was as dramatic

as the downing of the Korean Air Lines flight 007. Few

incidents have captured the public's attention as that did.

Few incidents have as dramatically pointed to the need

for better communication and understanding and for the

strengthening of the United Nations. There is no doubt

that 269 people lost their lives needlessly. This in itself

is a great human tragedy, and we convey our very deepest

condolences to the families and friends of the victims.

166. We do not know if the world will ever know what

events really led up to this tragedy and what really happened just before the aircraft was shot down. It Is possible

that both sides are telling the truth as they perceive the

truth to be. We do not know.

167. We do not believe there can ever be any justification for shooting down a civilian aircraft, except perhaps

in the extremely remote possibility of averting a far

greater immediate human disaster. We believe that the

Soviet Union made a tragic mistake and inexplicably

compounded the mistake in its immediate aftermath.

168. However, we do not believe that blame or guilt in

this instance lies with any one nation. This was a tragedy

for all mankind and not just for any one State or group

of States, it proves nothing about any particular social

or economic system. This was a failure by mankind, all

mankind, it reveals the heightened sense of international

insecurity that the arms race, cold war rhetoric and tests

of military preparedness have brought us.

169. This tragedy tells us that the technology of destruction is far more advanced than is the technology of

communication and the technology of the prevention of

destruction. n the normal course of events, we would

learn from such a tragedy and develop more effective

safeguards to prevent a recurrence. Unfortunately this

does not appear to be the ease, and this is even more of

a tragedy.

170. It saddens and concerns us to see the international

atmosphere further poisoned by hatred and recriminate-

tons. Now more than ever, the world cries out for the

leadership of wise statement. Where are the leaders with

the wisdom and the courage to say, "Let us sit down and

reason together", to say, "Let us make sure this does

not happen again", to say, "Let us put an end to the

suspicions and distrust which gave rise to this incident"

171. Why are those who were silent when a Libyan

airliner was shot down by Israeli fighters so vocal and

articulate now Why are those who were silent when a

Cuban airliner was blown out of the sky by a terrorist

bomb so morally outraged now All human life is sacred,

and none is more sacred than another. The lives of East

Timorese and Vietnamese are sacred. The lives of Palestinian’s and Lebanese are sacred. The lives of Iranians and

Iraqis are sacred. The lives of Chileans and Filipinos are

sacred. The lives of Cypriots and Guatemalans are sacred.

Without exception the loss of any human life is a tragedy.

The number of victims or their nationality does not make

the tragedy any worse or deepen our sorrow. Those who

stress the individual aspects of human rights should

understand this better than anyone.

172. Why are those who are so willing to isolate the

Soviet Union so unwilling to isolate South Africa Why

is it vital to keep channels of communication open to

South Africa, but not to the Soviet Union Why is South

Africa considered a civilized State, but not the Soviet

Union

173. Ours is a smelt country, and admittedly we do not

know the answer to every question. However, there are

many things we are certain of. One certainty is that those

who ally themselves with the evil practitioners of apartheid

or other forms of racism cannot complain to us when

others move into the moral vacuum they themselves have

created. To them we say "If we are to believe in your

moral superiority, it is time for you to demonstrate it in

southern Africa, in East Timor, in the Middle East, in

central America and in other parts of our troubled

globe".

174. For emphasis, we wit repeat and stress again and

again that both the Soviet Union and the United States

are very big and very powerful countries. Neither need

Vanuatu or any other country to fight its betties, and

certainty not the battle between these two giants. However. as human beings, we have a great deal at stake.

75. We do not want these two great Powers to fight

unless they limit their weapons to their respective moray

strengths and their powers of persuasion. We have as

much to lose as they do, should tidy insist on fighting

with military weapons. We cannot stop them, but we can

and do try to urge caution and restraint. The only weapons we have at our disposal are truth, our faith in

mankind and our own powers of pet suasion.

76. We now papacy to either country to step forward

and, in the name of humanity, say "We have all had

enough of this madness". Let one begin by dismantling

one weapon and it the other folio suit by dismantling

another. Which one begins the process is no longer important, just as which one began to stockpile the weapons

is no longer important.

The people of both the Soviet Union and the

United States, along with the people of many other

countries, made tremendous sacrifices four decades ago

which led to the creation of the United Nations. Now it

is time for one more enormous sacrifice It is still not too

late.

178. The entire world is waiting for us, all of us, to

move forward in the name of the human race. Now each

nation represented here today must ask itself whether it

wishes to be part of the problem or to be part of the

solution.