Turkey, 2000

Our deliberations come in the

wake of the historic Declaration just adopted at the

Millennium Summit. Today, we look into the future

with greater confidence. Our commitment to the

principles enshrined in the Charter is undiminished.

Our enthusiasm to turn our Organization's goals into

solid realities remains high. In our quest for a better

world, we are to derive our inspiration from our

democratic values; our energy from the dynamism of

our societies; and our strength from global solidarity

and shared responsibility.

Today, there is no greater challenge for us than

the prevention of conflicts and the achievement of

peace. The horrors we witnessed in Europe, the Far

East and Africa in the course of the past decade compel

us with a sense of urgency to devise effective conflict

prevention mechanisms and strategies. In his

Millennium Report, the Secretary-General articulates

the means for conflict prevention. These

recommendations, when adopted and implemented,

will provide the required capacity and credibility.

As an increasingly active member of the

international community, providing civilian and

military contingents to peace efforts in different spots,

as far apart as South-Eastern Europe and East Timor,

Turkey will give substance to United Nations efforts to

prevent conflicts. As peace operations become a core

function of the United Nations, we feel the urge to have

a sounder financial basis. Turkey therefore supported

the review of assessments for the apportionment of

expenses for peacekeeping operations. We hope that

these discussions will lead to a fairer redrawing of the

scale.

The rapidly globalizing world provides an

appropriate environment for Turkey, at the heart of

Eurasia, to serve as a bridge between many nations and

civilizations.

A priority task is securing peace and stability in

the Balkans. The Stability Pact for South-Eastern

Europe, in which Turkey plays an active part, provides

a good framework for cooperation and development in

the region. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, however, the

full implementation of the Dayton/Paris accords is still

our objective. We should preserve Bosnia and

Herzegovina as a multi-ethnic, multicultural,

independent and sovereign State. Turkey will continue

to contribute bilaterally and through multilateral

endeavours to Bosnia and Herzegovina's state-building

and reconstruction efforts.

In Kosovo, the United Nations has been able to

put in place arrangements enabling the population to

sustain their daily lives, but the current state of ethnic

violence does not inspire hopes for a promising future.

The United Nations Interim Administration in Kosovo

has set new rules for the administration of Kosovo. We

look forward in particular to the full recognition of the

vested rights of the Turkish community of Kosovo. We

hope the shortcomings in this respect will soon be

corrected, allowing the multi-ethnic and multicultural

structure of Kosovo to be duly reflected in its public

institutions and organs.

To turn to a positive development, I should

underline that the constructive trend in our relations

with Greece I mentioned in my address last year to the

General Assembly continues. During the year, we have

signed nine agreements for cooperation in a variety of

areas, ranging from economy to culture. In this context,

the rapprochement between Turkey and Greece that we

initiated has already brought about positive results.

The mutual rediscovery by the peoples of Turkey

and Greece of one another and their reconciliation

provided the main dynamics of the rapprochement.

Almost on a daily basis, politicians, mayors,

businessmen, trade-unionists, artists, writers,

sportsmen and student groups visit each other across

the Aegean or Thrace. Trade between the two countries

is flourishing. An unprecedented flurry of activity is

being observed along the Aegean coasts and in Thrace.

Bilateral tourism is on the rise; joint investments are

being carried out. A memorandum of understanding for

a joint Turkey-Greece-European Union pipeline project

to transport Central Asian and Caucasian energy to

Western Europe has been signed.

All these positive developments have revealed

once again that the Turkish and the Greek people are in

favour not of confrontation, but of cooperation and

friendship. The peoples of our two countries have not

only superseded their politicians, but have raised a

most significant barrier to any inclination to move

backwards. The rapprochement between our two

peoples constitutes the best guarantee against the

inclinations of some politicians who, once in a while,

yearn for the confrontational past.

Turkey's attention is also focused on

developments in the southern Caucasus and Central

Asia. Our historical, cultural and linguistic affinities

with the countries of those regions serve as a major

asset in our joint efforts to see the peoples of the region

move towards higher levels of security and prosperity.

Recent terrorist activities, however, pose a new threat

to the peace and security of the Central Asian States

and are of major concern. We are now seeking ways as

to how we can best assist those countries in their

struggle against terrorism.

Recent events demonstrate once again that we

have to fight international terrorism collectively. We

commend the efforts of the United Nations to

strengthen the legal framework in the fight against

terrorism and urge the General Assembly to keep the

matter high on its agendas.

The developments in Afghanistan are cause for

grave concern, as they have a direct impact on the

stability of a huge region, including Central Asia. In

the southern Caucasus, peace has yet to be achieved

between Azerbaijan and Armenia. The international

community has the obligation to contribute to ending

the Armenian occupation of parts of Azerbaijan.

Stability in Georgia, on the other hand, remains a goal.

We have put forward the idea of a stability pact for the

Caucasus and are following up our initiative. The

regional countries must develop a growing awareness

of the wide-ranging benefits of regional cooperation.

Here, I should also underline that attempts to

defame other nations or to extract enmity from history

will serve no useful purpose. No nation in the world

has the right to use or distort history in order to achieve

some kind of identity. Historical research should be left

to scholars. In this day and age, we expect all nations

to concentrate their efforts on cooperating with each

other for the good of their peoples.

The Middle East peace process has reached a

crucial phase. Turkey has always underlined the

importance of a comprehensive, just and lasting

settlement on the basis of international legitimacy and

within the framework of Security Council resolutions

242 (1967) and 338 (1973) and of the principle of land

for peace.

The Palestinian issue lies at the core of the Arab-

Israeli conflict. On the other hand, it has again been

proven during the course of negotiations that Al-Quds

is the decisive element for peace between Palestinians

and Israelis. Progress was made at the Camp David

summit, as it was the first occasion at which there was

frank discussion of all issues, including the most

sensitive. We are heartened to witness the willingness

of both sides to continue negotiations and to explore all

possibilities. We encourage the parties to remain

engaged in order not to waste this historic opportunity.

Turkey is endowed with centuries of experience

regarding the area, the wider region and its problems.

We also have deep historical, moral and cultural ties

with the peoples of the region. Turkey has good

relations with the Israeli and the Palestinian parties

alike and enjoys their trust. This prompted the parties

to solicit our contributions in recent weeks to

facilitating a better understanding and greater

confidence between them. Turkey will continue these

efforts as long as we all think them useful.

I would also like to underline that Israel's

withdrawal from southern Lebanon, within the

framework of Security Council resolution 425 (1978),

was a step in the right direction. We also hope that

negotiations on the Israeli-Syrian and the Israeli-

12

Lebanese tracks will resume soon and reach a mutually

acceptable solution.

As we are recommitting ourselves to uphold the

principles enshrined in the Charter with increased

determination and vigour, we should likewise avoid

being captive of approaches not based on reality. In the

same vein, efforts to impose solutions that do not take

into account the realities on the ground are doomed to

failure.

In line with this very basic logic, the settlement

of the Cyprus issue must be compatible with the

existing realities on the island. To refresh memories on

this particular subject which is sometimes distorted in

public opinions by some powerful centres, I would like

to summarize the historical background. Cyprus

became an international problem as of December 1963

when the joint Turkish-Greek Republic was forcibly

destroyed by the Greek Cypriots and an

unconstitutional rule was set up at the expense of the

Turkish Cypriots. The present situation in Cyprus came

into being after the coup in 1974 engineered by Nikos

Sampson, the coup leader, who was acting in

coordination with the colonels' junta in Greece. This

coup murdered many Greek Cypriots as well. The coup

toppled Archbishop Makarios and forced him to flee

the country. They staged widespread terror and moved

to make the Turkish Cypriots subjects of a Greek

Cyprus which was designed to be an integral part of

mainland Greece.

Turkey, as one of the guarantor powers by virtue

of the London and Zurich Agreements, intervened to

terminate the ongoing massacres and to prevent the

perpetration of similar atrocities in the future.

Accordingly, Turkey averted an ethnic cleansing on the

island and spared the Turkish Cypriots from sharing the

tragic fate of the Muslim Kosovars and Muslim

Bosnians of the future. Therefore, it would be a gross

distortion of history to consider Turkish intervention as

an occupation. On the contrary, it symbolizes liberation

for nearly 200,000 Turkish Cypriots. Due to Turkish

intervention, not only did the coup in Cyprus fail, but

also the junta collapsed, and democracy returned to

Greece.

Since 1974, peace and security has prevailed on

the island. Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots live on

the island as two independent states, two functioning

democracies, representing two distinct peoples. In spite

of a ruthless economic embargo imposed upon them by

the Greek Cypriots, the Turkish Cypriots have made

considerable economic progress.

It is stipulated by the United Nations that both

parties through separate referenda should approve a

comprehensive settlement mutually acceptable to the

two parties. In case the settlement is rejected by one of

the parties in its referendum, the proposed solution

becomes null and void. It is out of the question,

therefore, for an international organization or any other

grouping to impose its own solution on the parties. In

this framework, the membership of Cyprus in the

European Union, of which Turkey is not a full member,

would be an indirect enosis and contrary to the

London and Zurich Agreements.

If a mutually acceptable settlement is sincerely

sought, then the model is quite clear, based on the

realities of Cyprus: a confederation consisting of two

states. As to this model, the two independent entities,

by virtue of reaching an agreement between

themselves, will transfer some of their functions to the

confederal bodies. Thus, both the integrity and

diversity that emanate from the realities of the island

would be preserved. A mutually acceptable settlement

in Cyprus cannot be reached through romantic

descriptions but through realistic assessments.

Therefore, to define the division of Cyprus as the last

wall of Europe might sound fashionable but the

connotations it brings and the parallelism it draws are

totally erroneous. First of all, the line defined as a

wall was not drawn by Turkey. This line was drawn

by the United Nations peacekeeping forces in 1963 in

order to protect the Turkish Cypriots from the assault

of the Greek Cypriots. This is the year when the Greek

Cypriots illegally got hold of the state apparatus and

conducted violent assaults against Turkish Cypriots.

To refer to some recent arrangements by the

Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus on its sovereign

soil as an act strengthening the existing barriers is

irrelevant. For the walls to tumble down in Cyprus,

the Greek Cypriot side must first free itself of its

present frame of mind. Turkey favours a viable

settlement of the Cyprus issue. It supports President

Denktaş' confederal proposal and the proximity talks

initiated by the Secretary-General.

I would like to take this opportunity to express

the appreciation of my Government for the efforts of

the Secretary-General as well as his Special Adviser on

Cyprus, Mr. de Soto.

13

As a new century is being initiated, it is

regrettable that the richly endowed continent of Africa

is yet to receive its share from globalization. Especially

the prosperous nations have to make a sustained effort

to counter poverty and disease in Africa and give the

peoples of Africa the hope and the means for a more

promising future.

We have to vigorously pursue our efforts to make

the world a safer place for all. Turkey has always

encouraged efforts aimed at achieving meaningful and

verifiable arms control and disarmament arrangements.

In this context, we are also supportive of nuclear

disarmament. It is with this understanding that we are

signatory to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty

(NPT) and to the Comprehensive Test-Ban Treaty

(CTBT). We urge all countries that have not yet done

so to do likewise.

One of the tools at the disposal of the United

Nations to respond to countries that violate

international peace and stability is sanctions. In recent

years sanctions have become a prominent tool in

United Nations collective efforts. There is now an on-

going debate on the subject and an assessment is being

made on the utility of sanctions.

The effectiveness of sanctions, as we see it, has

two important aspects. The first has to do with whether

the sanctions applied to a given country or area serve

their intended purpose. This, in turn, raises the question

of whether the sanctions are properly targeted and

whether there is universal compliance. The second

aspect concerns the proper implementation of

sanctions. They are invoked on the premise that the

decisions taken by the United Nations will be respected

and that all will share the ensuing burden. Therefore,

the collateral effects of the sanctions on third States,

and especially the uneven burden they place on

countries neighbouring the targeted State, are issues

that must be addressed. Moreover, we also should see

to it that the adverse effects of sanctions on innocent

people, especially on children, women and the elderly,

are minimized.

After the widespread economic setbacks of the

past few years, the healing process of the global

economy gathered momentum. Global integration has

been further fuelled by bold leaps in science and

technology. However, there is no room for

complacency. To ensure that the benefits of revitalized

growth are felt evenly on a global scale, continued and

intensified efforts are needed at national and

international levels.

It is not only the countries that have been exposed

to the negative effects of globalization that stand to

lose as a result. Global inequality threatens to become a

source of political and social instability. The

elimination of poverty should therefore remain our

paramount goal. To reach this goal, we must achieve

good governance, transparency and participation. We

must also build strong social safety nets. But these will

not yield the results being sought if we do not make

adequate provision for the education our people. As

physical borders begin to fade, the minds trapped

within national domains must also change and be

transformed.

We applaud the growing role of the United

Nations in the economic and social sphere. With its

role in breeding a culture of international cooperation

and solidarity a genuine culture of international

cooperation and solidarity the United Nations has

indeed been a source of inspiration for us all.

In one respect we feel we possess most of the

elements for a promising future, ranging from

increased universal awareness of human dignity to

strides in science and technology. Yet, at the same time,

we are distressed to find ourselves plagued by war,

weapons of mass destruction, terrorism, racism,

xenophobia, poverty and many other evils, both old and

new. As the new millennium is ushered in, we must

embrace rationalism, empathy and human solidarity in

tackling our common problems. Only then can we

relax, having fulfilled our responsibilities to the next

generation.