Turkey, 1994

Allow me to congratulate the

President on his election to his high office, and to thank the

outgoing President, His Excellency Mr. Samuel Insanally,

for his wise leadership during the forty-eighth session of

the General Assembly.

Many had hoped that the fall of the Berlin Wall would

put an end to the divisions of the world and usher in a new

era of peace and harmony among nations. This has not

happened. Today humanity faces a new division or

fragmentation far more dramatic in essence. The world is

torn between hope and despair. This is the new division

we are facing.

On the one hand, hope: the spirit of democracy is

kept alive. The global commitment to the universal

principles of respect for human rights, the rule of law and

fundamental freedoms has been maintained.

On the other hand, despair: the eruption of

long-suppressed evil forces, such as ethnic and xenophobic

nationalism, racism and tribalism, has caused new conflicts.

They have emerged as new threats to international peace

and security.

On the darkest side, there are new instances of

genocide. Slogans of racial hatred have resurfaced.

Hundreds of thousands of people have been killed or

wounded; hundreds of thousands of people have become

refugees or displaced persons. Human dignity has been

violated.

On the brightest side, historic breakthroughs have been

achieved in South Africa and the Middle East. The

courageous stand of some eminent statesmen has been

instrumental in translating the basic vision of the United

Nations into reality. In this respect, our praise goes to the

leaders of Palestine, Israel and South Africa for their

courage and far-sightedness. Their bold steps towards

peace fostered our optimism to counter the negative

trends.

In order to be able to plan a better future, we must

take account of the achievements and the failures of the

past and meet the challenges of the present. The time has

come to start to contemplate realistically how to create

new and workable mechanisms to respond effectively to

the challenges of our times. But we first have to accept

the fact that euphoria is almost always short-lived.

Today we observe two contradictory trends, one

towards fragmentation and conflict and the other towards

globalization and cooperation. This new dialectic defines

the framework within which we have to work together to

find a balance between optimism and pessimism, between

the integrity of the nation-State and the demands of an

ever more interdependent world.

This Organization was built on the ashes of the

Second World War. The war’s aftermath left its imprint

not only on the United Nations Charter, but also on the

rules that govern its work and its structure. Hence, the

crucial challenge before us today is to make the United

Nations the real centre of universal solidarity, by

improving its effectiveness and harmonizing its work with

these new imperatives. It is in line with this reasoning

that we attach the utmost importance to the process of

reform and restructuring of the United Nations.

In this exercise, the pivotal point should be the

Security Council. The widespread demands to make that

principal body more representative, more responsive,

more transparent and more accountable have imposed

upon us a historic task which we must fulfil. The

democratization of the Security Council is a challenge of

our times, one that requires an adequate response. The

moral authority of this body needs to be reinforced. We

have to enhance the representative weight of the Security

Council by enlarging it and by establishing a fairer and

more orderly system of rotation within the geographical

groups.

We must make sure that the Security Council is not

perceived as a tool of a small group of big States that

seek to impose their will and their national policy

objectives on others. Indeed, the moral and legal

authority of the Security Council’s decisions emanates

from the fact that the Council, in accordance with Article

24 of the Charter, acts on behalf of all States Members of

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the United Nations. Consequently, it is essential that the

working methods of the Security Council be reviewed to

reflect the spirit of democratization.

With this understanding, my country, Turkey, has been

actively participating in the deliberations of the Open-ended

Working Group on the Question of Equitable

Representation on and Increase in the Membership of the

Security Council. We expect this Working Group to

become a genuine driving force for real reform of the

Security Council. Therefore, any "quick-fix" solution in

which the reform may be interpreted in a rather narrow

sense cannot be accepted. In the same vein, we also fully

support the efforts under way to revitalize and rationalize

the work of the General Assembly as the central and

universal deliberative forum.

The ongoing conflicts and tragedies all over the world

underscore the urgency of our task of strengthening the

United Nations, particularly in the field of collective

security. In the past five years, United Nations

peace-keeping operations have undergone considerable

expansion. The nature of peace-keeping is changing.

Preventive diplomacy, peacemaking, peace-enforcement,

peace-building and global human security have emerged as

new concepts on which further reflection is needed.

As an active participant in the peace-keeping

operations of the United Nations, Turkey believes that their

success depends ultimately on the support and assistance

received from the community of nations. This, in turn,

requires the awareness of a sense of shared responsibility

in addressing our common concerns.

The United Nations stand-by forces, in which we have

decided to participate, would play an essential role in

promoting such awareness. Only when a potential

aggressor clearly perceives that the international community

will retaliate in a timely and effective manner might it

change its behaviour.

The challenges we are facing today go beyond the

means and resources of a single organization. Accordingly,

there is a need for a new collective security architecture of

mutually-reinforcing institutions in which all elements

would have a role to play. The interaction between global

security and regional security requires effective cooperation

and coordination among the United Nations and regional

organizations. One thing is clear: only the United Nations

can provide legitimacy to regional arrangements and

institutions in the fields of peace-keeping and peacemaking.

From Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Caucasus to

Rwanda, the peoples of the world, faced with threats of

racist hatred, are desperately demanding the helping hand

and protection of the United Nations.

Regrettably, the tragedy of Bosnia and Herzegovina

has continued to be at the top of the international agenda

during the past 12 months. Despite numerous Security

Council and General Assembly resolutions, the

international community has been able neither to put an

end to the ethnic cleansing, nor to roll back the brutal

aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and

Herzegovina. On the contrary, the lack of effective

enforcement measures has encouraged the aggressors to

proceed further with their genocidal campaign and their

blatant defiance of international law.

Decisive and firm action to stop the aggression is

long overdue. The Washington and Vienna Agreements

laid down the foundation for a just and viable peace in

Bosnia. These Agreements define the framework of a

federation which preserves the territorial integrity and

unity of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a multicultural,

multireligious and multi-ethnic State. They are also open

to the participation of Bosnian Serbs.

The Bosnian Government accepted the latest

international peace plan proposed by the five-nation

Contact Group in the spirit of peace. However, the

extremist Serbs, longing for an ethnically homogeneous

Greater Serbia, have insisted on their defiance of the will

of the international community and have rejected the

peace plan. Their rejection has demonstrated, yet again,

that aggression cannot be halted on the shifting sands of

promises and declarations.

The five-nation Contact Group has committed itself,

in case of rejection, to the tightening of sanctions on

Serbia and Montenegro. We deeply regret that the

Security Council, by adopting resolution 943 (1994) on

23 September 1994, moved in the opposite direction

despite the efforts of the Contact Group of the

Organization of the Islamic Conference. Once again,

aggression has been rewarded. Genocide remains

unchecked. The Bosnian people are yet again completely

disappointed with the international system. Their

disappointment is shared more and more by the rest of the

world, especially in the Islamic countries.

We have arrived at a critical juncture. The

international community should stand by its commitments

and should begin to act resolutely. We have to admit

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that only diplomacy backed by sufficient force can make

the extremist Serbs realize that war gives them more pain

than gain. There should be no further easing of the

sanctions until Serbia and Montenegro recognize all the

successor States within their international borders.

As winter approaches, the need to provide security,

shelter and humanitarian assistance to the civilian

population becomes ever more pressing. The safe areas

should be extended and effectively protected by the United

Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR). The strangulation

of Sarajevo should be ended. The humanitarian corridors

should remain open.

As a matter of principle, the Bosnian Government

must be provided with all the means necessary for

self-defence, so that it may exercise its inherent right under

Article 51 of the Charter. This is a moral, legal and

political obligation on the part of the international

community - but primarily a moral one.

President Izetbegovic´, in his address at the 7th plenary

meeting, on 27 September 1994, from this rostrum,

announced a new formula in this respect. On the condition

that certain conditions be fulfilled, he limited his just

demand for the lifting of the arms embargo to the adoption

of a formal decision, deferring the implementation of the

decision for six months. This is a new sacrifice motivated

by the international community’s inability to provide

security for the victims or to recognize their basic right to

self-defence. We must praise this noble gesture and

support the new formula.

Realization of the commitments to a just and viable

peace in Bosnia - commitments that have so far remained

unfulfilled - is vital for the restoration of the credibility and

moral authority of the United Nations. If we fail the test of

history in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the so-called "new

world order" could turn into a permanent "new world

disorder".

We are witnessing further potential threats to the peace

and stability of the Balkans. With the increasing tension

between Greece and Albania there is, regrettably, a risk that

yet another crisis may be created in the region. In addition,

the Republic of Macedonia is suffering from an illegal

economic blockade imposed by Greece. Moreover,

Macedonia is still waiting to be represented at the United

Nations under the name and the flag it has chosen.

The Balkans can in no way stand the pressure of

additional tensions. Compliance with the basic international

norms - respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity,

non-intervention in internal affairs, and the need to

resolve disputes by peaceful means rather than by threat

or coercion - is today more than ever before a pressing

need in the Balkans.

My country lies at the very epicentre of the vast

geography and the new geopolitics of Eurasia. Most of

the conflicts which are high on the international agenda

are taking place around Turkey. Fully aware of our

responsibilities for the peace and stability of our region

and beyond, we are trying to contain conflicts.

We seek to reverse destabilizing currents. We strive

to promote the rule of law and democracy on our

periphery. We remain a factor for stability. We believe

that regional economic cooperation is a driving force for

shared prosperity and increased confidence among nations

as well as the most effective way to prevent the spread of

ethnic conflicts and potential hegemonic tendencies.

With this awareness, we have developed new

creative and cooperative regional initiatives to enhance

solidarity and to consolidate the new geopolitical

pluralism. We have established the Black Sea Economic

Cooperation with Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bulgaria,

Georgia, Greece, the Republic of Moldova, Romania, the

Russian Federation and Ukraine. The Economic

Cooperation Organization, originally founded by Turkey,

Iran and Pakistan, has been enlarged to include

Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan,

Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan.

Another blatant example of defiance of international

law has been unfolding in the Caucasus, where Armenian

forces continue to occupy one-fifth of Azerbaijani

territory. More than a million Azerbaijanis have been

displaced. Constant calls by the international community

for the immediate, unconditional and total withdrawal of

occupying forces, as stipulated in relevant Security

Council resolutions, have fallen on deaf ears. This

unlawful situation, created by Armenians, constitutes a

serious threat not only to the stability of the region

neighbouring Turkey, but also to international peace and

security.

As a member of the Conference on Security and

Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) Minsk Group since its

inception, Turkey remains committed to the CSCE peace

process. We firmly believe that a solution should be

found through collective efforts under the authority of the

CSCE. In this respect, we fully support the endeavours

25

of the Chairman of the Minsk Group to organize a

multinational force to assist the parties to reach a just and

lasting solution. We stand ready to contribute to these

endeavours.

In this context, I should like to reiterate our consistent

and firm position, which we have expressed from this

rostrum on many occasions: Neither in the Balkans nor in

the Caucasus, nor, for that matter, anywhere else, will

Turkey ever accept the acquisition of territory by force.

Nor will Turkey ever allow misinformation and unashamed

official propaganda - even from this rostrum - to continue

to lead the international community to tolerate and

perpetuate the living conditions imposed upon the Turkish

people of Cyprus.

Turkish Cypriots remain totally isolated in their part

of the island because of innumerable restrictions that

Governments and international organizations have placed on

their trade, travel, cultural and sporting contacts with the

rest of the world. This arbitrary embargo is maintained as

a result of a relentless campaign to distort the facts relating

to the history of events on the island over the last 31 years.

Even a United Nations-sponsored confidence-building

package, which was aimed at partially alleviating the ill

effects of this embargo, was deliberately torpedoed by the

short-sighted policies of the other side, and, unfortunately,

prospects for a just and durable settlement have been

further eroded.

A realistic and viable negotiated settlement continues

to be the objective of the Turkish Cypriot side. We support

this, and we believe that the only way towards a

comprehensive solution of the question of Cyprus lies in

removing the obstacles to the confidence-building measures.

As a neighbouring country, Turkey follows very

closely developments in Georgia. We look forward to the

restoration of peaceful conditions in that friendly country

and stand prepared to participate in the concerted

international action within the framework of the United

Nations Observer Mission in Georgia.

Turkey has set out on a lasting path of solidarity with

the newly independent Central Asian republics, with which

it has historic, cultural and linguistic ties. Turkey fully

supports the efforts of those secular republics to build

pluralistic societies and will assist them in integrating into

the world community. I should like to underscore that

Turkey’s relationship between sovereign countries is one of

cooperation and solidarity; it is a relationship between

sovereign countries. It is neither in competition with, nor

exclusive of, other countries’ relations with them.

We attach great importance to the unity and

territorial integrity of Afghanistan. We had hoped that a

broad-based national reconciliation process including all

groups could have started. However, we have been

greatly dismayed by the resumption of armed conflict.

We once again call upon all the Afghan parties to put an

end to the fratricidal fighting and start working for the

establishment of internal peace so that the rehabilitation

and reconstruction of this devastated country can begin.

In the Middle East, the end of the cold war has

fundamentally altered the bleak picture and opened new

horizons for peace. The Israeli-Palestinian agreement and

the ensuing Israeli-Jordanian agreements have opened up

a new era in which enmity is giving way to reconciliation

and despair to hope.

The historic breakthrough in the peace process,

which promises concord and cooperation between the

Palestinians and Israel, and between Israel and its Arab

neighbours, will undoubtedly have positive ramifications

on a much wider regional and global scale. The

establishment of permanent peace in the Middle East will

also create the necessary conditions for harmony,

economic cooperation and shared prosperity.

As a country neighbouring the Middle East, Turkey

has a record of constructive involvement in the region’s

affairs and good traditional ties with all the parties. It is

actively participating in all tracks of multilateral

negotiations. It remains ready to contribute to the

economic restructuring efforts of the Palestinians in Gaza

and Jericho. It will take part in the temporary

international presence upon the request of the parties. I

should like to reaffirm our strong support for the process

towards a just and lasting peace in the region.

The rather optimistic prospects for the future of the

Middle East need to be tempered, however, with a degree

of realism, in the face of the hardship the Iraqi people

have been suffering. Four years after the outbreak of the

Gulf crisis they are still waiting to return to normality.

We are fully aware of the fact that, in order to take its

rightful place in the international community, Iraq has to

comply with all the relevant Security Council resolutions.

However, we cannot and should not turn a blind eye to

the fact that Iraq has almost completed its compliance

with the disarmament requirements under Security

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Council resolution 687 (1991) and deserves encouragement

in this respect.

It should also be borne in mind that the sanctions have

caused great economic problems not only for the Iraqi

people but also for a number of countries, especially Iraq’s

neighbours. The great economic losses of the most

adversely affected countries, particularly mine - Turkey -

still have to be addressed.

Here, I must also underline once again our principled

stand that we will remain committed to the territorial

integrity and unity of Iraq, which are vital for peace and

stability in the Middle East.

The elimination of apartheid in South Africa closed a

long and dark chapter in the history of humanity. Apart

from South Africa, the picture is still gloomy in many parts

of Africa. The United Nations conducts half of its

peace-keeping operations in that continent and is actively

involved in maintaining and building peace in Somalia,

Mozambique, Angola, Liberia, Rwanda and Burundi.

The efforts of the United Nations in Africa should be

based on a twofold and consolidated strategy. They should

be directed not only to maintaining peace, but also to

accelerating sustained economic development, through

which the major causes of continued armed conflicts may

be defused.

Indeed, the root causes of conflict require new global

commitments. In full agreement with the

Secretary-General, my Government subscribes to the view

that it is time to balance the old commitment to territorial

security with a new commitment to human security; to shift

from providing security through arms to ensuring security

through development.

The end of the cold war has also ended the

compartmentalization of major components, such as

political security and social issues. It is now mostly

recognized that security cannot be viewed in political and

military terms alone, and that peace and prosperity are

indivisible.

At a time when disorder and disintegration, both at

national and international levels, seem fated to increase, the

concept of crisis prevention needs to be elaborated and

expanded.

We strongly endorse the view that peace, development

and democracy are interrelated and mutually reinforcing.

We all recognize the pressing need to promote a new

culture of development. The United Nations new agenda

for development must bring sustainable and

people-centred development to the forefront. For this, a

stronger role for the United Nations is needed.

Democracy is the underlying imperative for human

security, social integration and good governance. Indeed,

during the Vienna Conference last year, the international

community reiterated its commitment to the protection of

human rights and fundamental freedoms and to the

common struggle against racism, xenophobia and

intolerance. Today a pluralistic civil society, free and fair

elections, and the rule of law are defined as the common

goals of humanity. Dialogue between different cultures

can only be achieved within the context of democracy.

Violence and terrorism could not, and should not, be

justified under any circumstances. In this spirit, the

General Assembly in its resolution 48/122 reaffirmed the

Vienna Declaration and described terrorism as an activity

which aims at the destruction of human rights,

fundamental freedoms and democracy, as well as

threatening the territorial integrity and security of States,

destabilizing legitimately constituted Governments,

undermining pluralistic civil society and having adverse

consequences on the economic and social development of

States. We call upon the international community to

stand by its commitments and to take the necessary steps

to combat and eradicate terrorism.

Lack of tolerance is the underlying cause of various

conflicts which constitute the most important threat to

international peace and security. Therefore, promotion of

a culture of tolerance has a direct bearing on crisis

prevention. We should inject the spirit of tolerance into

the young generations.

It is a pleasure for me to recall here that on Turkey’s

initiative, the General Assembly last December

proclaimed 1995 as the United Nations Year for

Tolerance. By the terms of resolution 48/126, the entire

United Nations system has been asked to contribute to its

successful observance. Its celebration will contribute to

the acceleration of efforts to prevent all forms of racism,

discrimination, fanaticism and fundamentalism.

Disarmament should also be seen within the context

of preventive diplomacy. We must recognize the fact that

the end of the cold war has not removed the danger of

nuclear weapons. On the contrary, in some cases the

danger has actually increased. Hence, another field where

27

progress is needed is the prevention of nuclear proliferation.

As we prepare for the Conference of the Parties to the

Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, which

will be convened next year, the creation of a climate of

confidence will be vital. Measures need to be taken now

to create that climate.

In the same vein, we hold the view that full

compliance with existing arms control and disarmament

instruments at regional and global levels is of primary

importance.

As the Secretary-General has rightly stated, the

children’s Summit in 1990, the Earth Summit in 1992, the

human rights Conference in 1993, the population

Conference in September 1994, the social development

Summit in March 1995 and the women’s Conference to be

held in September 1995 are all linked. By 1995, in time

for the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations, we should

reach a global consensus on the way forward to new

commitments towards building a better world.

To complete the agenda, we must also add to these

major events the Second United Nations Conference on

Human Settlements (Habitat II), which will be held in

June 1996 in Istanbul. In this context, we welcome the

Secretary-General’s call to declare the Habitat II

Conference as the "City Summit" to increase world

awareness on this subject and to commit the world’s

leaders to making our cities, towns and villages healthy,

safe, just and sustainable. High-level participation in this

Conference will ensure its success.

We will commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of the

Organization next year. It is the most opportune time, on

the threshold of a new millennium, to take stock of what

we have achieved, and where we have failed, with a sense

of realism and vision. We are obliged to realize the

dreams of the founders of the United Nations. We hope

that our deliberations will help to generate a new impetus

for positive action to this end.

Member States have set their hopes on the United

Nations, which reflects diversity united in a common

cause. To the extent that it succeeds, we will have a

better world for all peoples, and peace, security,

democracy, development and prosperity will be enhanced.

This requires cooperative action, which all nations

should be engaged in. We have to give full scope to our

imagination to keep pace with the winds of change and

strive for the realization of the shared dreams of

humankind. If we fail, future generations will pay dearly

for our mistakes. I am convinced that after all the bitter

experiences of the past, humanity has the cumulative

wisdom not to make such mistakes.