Thailand, 1969

86. Madam President, in my

official capacity as leader of the delegation of Thailand and

in my personal capacity as a former colleague of yours in

the Trusteeship Committee, I have great pleasure in offering

you our heartfelt congratulations. It has been my proud

privilege to have been associated with you as representative

of your great country, Liberia, and an illustrious daughter

of Africa, as well as with your distinguished predecessor,

Mr. Arenales of Guatemala, in the worthy endeavour to

help dependent peoples enjoy the inherent right to lead the

life of freedom. This Organization, the people of Guatemala,

and all of us who were his friends mourn the

untimely and grievous loss of Mr. Arenales, whose eminent

qualities of moral courage and remarkable intellectual

competence will be long remembered. Today, however, we

are gratified that your high feminine merits, Madam

President, and your outstanding ability and dedication have

been recognized by this august Assembly. We wish you

complete success in your momentous task which lies ahead.

87. As the General Assembly of the United Nations once

again begins its annual deliberations, there seem to be few

signs of improvement in the tense international situation.

The war in Viet-Nam is still raging, interrupted, however,

by a few occasional lulls during which the pace of fighting

slows down relatively. Likewise, some fifty thousand North

Vietnamese regular troops, in flagrant violation of the

Geneva Agreement of 1962, continue to wage a war of

destruction and attrition against the legitimate Government

of Laos, whose only desire is to live in peace and neutrality.

88. In the Middle East the conflict is still smouldering

while frequent clashes and outbursts threaten to erupt at

any time into a more prolonged and widespread conflict.

Meanwhile, even places of worship have not been spared

and the burning of the Al Aqsa Mosque by fanatics should

be deeply deplored.

89. In Nigeria the civil war in the eastern part continues to

bring misery and suffering to a vast number of people — a

face which has been of increasing concern to the international

community.

90. In other parts of the world not directly affected by

armed confrontation, disturbances and unrest break the

peace between persons of differing races or religious faiths.

Confusion has become widespread too among an increasing

number of people who seem to have lost their mental and

psychological balance, reversing normal values of good and

evil, right and wrong, justice and injustice. Although the

majority of people confronted with the burning issues of

our time have not succumbed to such impairment of the

reasoning faculty, not a few of them have reached the

extreme aberration of not knowing who their friends are.

They have come to worship their foes and tread on those

who work closely with them for mutual interests in

attaining the cherished goals of freedom and human

dignity.

91. However, in our part of the world we strive with all

the physical and spiritual strength at our command to

dissipate the clouds in our skies as well as in our minds, to

keep our heads clear of illusion as well as disillusionment.

Our compass is pointed towards the objectives of restoring

the shattered peace, strengthening the threatened freedom

and independence, and realizing the maximum benefits for

the well-being of millions of impoverished people.

92. We are not disheartened, and still less alarmed, by

those who are frustrated by the lack of decisive and

constructive results of their efforts or fatigued by responsibilities

which they feel they have shouldered for too long

and, therefore, aspire to withdraw into their quieter

parochial corners. Now, more than ever, we realize in the

depth of our hearts and minds that our strength lies within

ourselves, our nations and our ancient lands. Outsiders

come and go; they do not take roots, while we, the people

of Asia, are anchored unalterably to our eternal soil. We,

and we alone, have and will always have the primary

responsibility for making it fertile, peaceful and prosperous.

This is exactly what we have set ourselves to do and what

we intend to do to the best of our ability. That is why we

have devoted our time, energy and dedication to forge a

much needed sense of solidarity and cohesiveness, to lay

the basis for working positively together, and to replace the

outmoded imperialistic concepts of domination and subjection

by the humane and progressive philosophy of co-operation

and partnership.

93. As a result of these efforts a number of organizations

for regional co-operation, such as the Asian and Pacific

Council and the Association of South-East Asian Nations,

have sprung up. Undoubtedly, they are still in their initial

and almost experimental stage. However, with the passage

of time and accumulation of experience, they will gradually

gain strength and will be consolidated to offer maximum

benefits and services to member nations. These regional

groupings stress a close working relationship between the

participants who share similar ideas and aspirations. Ultimately,

they aim at encompassing all nations of the area

even though they may have dissimilar international and

domestic policies as well as different political, economic

and social systems. They also envisage co-operation with

nations outside the area provided that the latter agree to

work with them on the basis of equality and partnership,

sharing equitably advantages and obligations.

94. While it is true that the countries of Asia, as indeed

those of Europe, Africa and the Western Hemisphere, are

increasingly concentrating their efforts and attention on

their own immediate problems, they do not shut their eyes

to the outside world and to issues and difficulties confronting

the international community. On the contrary, they are

following with varying degrees of interest the developments

unfolding in various parts of the earth. In this connexion, I

wish to offer the views and suggestions of my delegation

concerning various questions affecting this Organization

and its Members which come from the four corners of this

planet.

95. In Asia, as indeed in the rest of the world, Viet-Nam

still remains a harrowing problem which not only continues

to cost far too many human lives and valuable material

resources but also presents a danger to the tenuous fabric of

international peace and the national freedom of smaller

nations. Had it not been for this conflict, instigated by the

new imperialists seeking to prolong the outmoded form of

domination, the nations of South-East Asia would have

been moving further along the road of greater freedom and

more secure independence. For these reasons, nations like

Thailand with an uninterrupted tradition of sovereign

statehood could not remain indifferent before the onslaught

to subjugate a small nation struggling to remain free

to follow its own destiny. The role that Thailand has been

playing, either on its own or in concert with other

like-minded nations, has been solely motivated by the

desire to stem the tide of aggression and to ensure for the

nations of South-East Asia the prospect of leading a

peaceful and progressive life with freedom and dignity. In

so doing, the Thai people have endured grievous sacrifices

in the loss of human lives and material resources and have

had to undergo too many regrettable experiences, less at

the hands of the enemy than at the hands of those within

friendly ranks whose judgement has been corrupted by

mental aberrations as well as by devious propaganda. The

sooner the Viet-Nam war can be brought to a just and

satisfactory conclusion and the traumatic effects on many

nations removed, the better for all concerned. At this

juncture, although many conciliatory and concrete measures

to de-esculate the war have been taken by the

defending side, the North Viet-Namese and their allies, who

are stubbornly bent on consummating their conquest, have

shown themselves to be unyielding and uncompromising.

96. As in the case of Viet-Nam, Laos has been suffering

for many long years from the expansionist North Viet-Namese

aggressors who have relentlessly been waging an

illegal and immoral war on the peace-loving Laotian people,

in complete contravention of the Geneva Agreements which

their representatives duly signed in 1954 and 1962. Indeed,

all the nations and peoples of the world that are dedicated

to peace and freedom, and particularly the co-Chairmen of

the Geneva Conference, who are entrusted with the duty of

ensuring the observance of the said agreements, should

exert more meaningful efforts to enjoin the Hanoi régime

to respect the obligations it has voluntarily accepted and

withdraw its military forces from the Kingdom of Laos.

97. The situation in the Middle East still offers a gloomy

picture on the international scene. A series of violent and

prolonged skirmishes which the Secretary-General has

qualified as a virtual state of war continues to inflame

passions, and a new round of hostilities does not seem too

remote a possibility. Furthermore, the quiet and patient

efforts of Ambassador Jarring and the flurry of political

consultations, both multilateral and bilateral, between

representatives of the major Powers here in New York and

elsewhere appear to have produced little, if any, concrete

result. No significant headway has in fact been made

towards uncovering a procedure for defusing the explosive

situation. In our view, prompt adherence to the spirit and

letter of the United Nations resolutions, particularly that of

the Security Council of 22 November 1967 [242 (1967)],

would seem to afford the only plausible way out of the

present dangerous impasse.

98. The delegation of Thailand is gratified at the recent

completion of the Act of Free Choice in the territory of

West Irian, which marked the implementation of the final

part of the Agreement between the Republic of Indonesia

and the Kingdom of the Netherlands concerning West New

Guinea (West Irian) signed in New York on 15 August 1962

under the aegis of the United Nations. The nations

concerned, as well as the United Nations, are to be

congratulated on having successfully demonstrated their

determination to settle this complex matter in such a

smooth and constructive manner. The Government of

Indonesia, in particular, has shown its good faith towards

the obligations incumbent upon it as a member of the

international community and has accordingly upheld and

strengthened the principle of self-determination for all

people.

99. Although the circumstances are different, the German

question — a central problem of the East-West confrontation

in Europe — is primarily the concern of the German people

themselves. Any settlement of the question must necessarily

be found on the basis of the right of self-determination

and within the framework of the efforts to safeguard

European security and to create an equitable and lasting

peace arrangement.

100. As we salute the success of the American nation in

realizing the age-old dream of landing a man on the moon,

perhaps it is also time to express our hope that such

technological advancement and peaceful co-operation may

be brought down from space to prevail on earth for more

palpable benefits to mankind. Sophisticated science and

technology should now be turned away from purely

theoretical and especially destructive purposes and channelled

instead into more peaceful pursuits to serve the

needs of countless millions of people everywhere.

101. While we are realistic enough to admit that, in the

final analysis, significant steps to achieve disarmament must

depend on the decisions of the great Powers concerning the

level of their own security, we regret that the long-awaited

talks between the United States and the Soviet Union on

strategic arms limitation have not started or even definitely

been scheduled.

102. We also consider it necessary to join the rising chorus

of developing nations which demand that the industrially

advanced nations should concurrently dedicate a substantial

part of their efforts towards the betterment of human

conditions, rather than the glorification of their scientific,

industrial or technological achievements, they should

indeed devote greater attention and resources to help

improve the appallingly low standard of living of a large

part of humanity.

103. That is why, of all the various questions of disarmament

on the agenda, the delegation of Thailand places the

sea-bed item on its priority list, for it typifies the kind of

technological co-operation that is needed and which, given

a reasonable amount of general goodwill, could lead to the

implementation of the concept of “common heritage of

mankind”. We regret, therefore, the slow progress of the

deliberations of the United Nations sea-bed Committee.

We certainly hope to contribute our energy and will

actively participate in the efforts to bring about worthwhile

progress on this item during the present session of the

General Assembly.

104. Ever since the disruption of the nineteenth session of

the General Assembly caused by the basic disagreement on

the principles directly related to the peace-keeping function

of the United Nations, the delegation of Thailand has often

had occasion to point out candidly that progress seems

abnormally slow in finding a satisfactory solution to this

vital problem in the United Nations. We are therefore

gratified that at last some small progress seems to have been

made by the Special Committee on Peace-keeping Operations;

it has attempted to present a detailed study of

observer missions as set up by the Security Council, as well

as agreed in principle to undertake an even more important

study of the United Nations military units established or

authorized by the Security Council for peace-keeping

purposes pursuant to Council resolutions.

105. As a member of the aforesaid Special Committee, the

delegation of Thailand fully realizes that such an advance

does not mean the narrowing of the gap between fundamental

differences. This is testified to by the fact that an

atmosphere of rising optimism in the Committee was

dashed at the last moment by the failure of conflicting

parties to come to an agreement on the presentation of the

first and relatively uncomplicated model. It thus becomes

apparent that unless interested parties are prepared to let

established positions evolve and to come to perceive that

national interests could be made compatible with international

obligations in some ways, there could not be any

substantial progress in this matter.

106. Just as we are all looking forward to the significant

celebration of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding

of the United Nations, it is highly appropriate that at the

same time we should look forward to celebrating the tenth

anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence

to Colonial Countries and Peoples, for, with all its

much publicized virtues and loopholes, nobody could fail

to be impressed by the record of the United Nations in its

decolonizing efforts, and among the many milestones in the

United Nations history a very high place must be reserved

for the Declaration.

107. In the early years after its inception, the Declaration

on decolonization was an effective instrument in pressuring

the governing Powers to liberate their colonial Territories

and peoples. However, progress in that direction has

become slower in the past few years, despite the fact that at

least one major area of an important continent still remains

under a blatant form of colonialism and continuous efforts

by the United Nations to decolonize it seem to have had

very little practical consequences. Therefore, as we

approach the tenth anniversary of the Declaration on

decolonization, the obvious focal point of our efforts

should rest on the situation still obtaining in the southern

part of Africa.

108. During the general debate of the last session [1689th

meeting], I indicated the views of the Government of

Thailand that the colonial situation in the southern part of

Africa was closely linked with, as well as aided and abetted

by, the apartheid policy. Having deplored and condemned

that racist policy as being contrary to the norms of

humanity and human nature, the Government of Thailand

is further saddened to see no significant change in the

attitude of its proponents.

109. The delegation of Thailand is particularly concerned

in this direction with the plight of the people of Namibia.

Thailand has taken a keen interest in this case from the very

beginning as its representative served for many years in the

five-nation Committee set up by the General Assembly

[resolution 449 (V)] to implement an Advisory Opinion of

the International Court of Justice in 1950, and was

Chairman of the seven-member Committee established by

General Assembly resolution 749 (VIII) in 1953. The

delegation of Thailand also took an active part in all

subsequent United Nations efforts to restore supervision of

that unfortunate nation to the United Nations, with the

ultimate objective of placing it in the hands of its rightful

and sovereign people. We have been gratified by the various

United Nations resolutions relating to this matter and the

United Nations Council for Namibia established to guide

the nation towards full sovereignty and independence. It is

with great regret, therefore, that we see this task still

unfinished.

110. In the same area, the illegitimate régime of Jan Smith

also continues to breathe the air of insubordination in

Southern Rhodesia, and that unruly white minority, having

usurped governmental authority and unconstitutionally

arrogated to itself the means to dominate the larger

segments of the population, has now gone on to commit

other excesses in order to strengthen the yoke of its racist

minority rule. It is thus seen to follow closely the policy of

apartheid, which may eventually be used more and more as

the main weapon for perpetuating and extending this

deplorable form of colonialism over a large part of southern

Africa. The crux of the problem is whether the Ian Smith

régime and others wish to continue to adhere to their

dogmatic isolationism and racialism of old or whether their

policies should be adapted-in an attempt to bring them in

line with the realities and demands of the contemporary world.

111. As for the Government of Thailand, it has faithfully

carried out all the sanctions by the United Nations in

connexion with those régimes and their policies, despite the

reluctance of many important commercial Powers to

observe the United Nations resolutions. Though we cannot

help feeling somewhat dismayed that these sanctions have

so far not achieved the desired result, we continue to be

firmly convinced of their values and will continue to fulfil

all our existing obligations, as well as to support any other

similar measures which the General Assembly may agree

upon in future.

112. The world economic situation, regrettably, still

remains a matter of serious and constant concern to all

Members of the United Nations, and, in particular, to those

countries which, like my own, are engaged in the perennial

struggle for self-sustaining economic growth. They have to

cope with the numerous and complex problems of underdevelopment.

In fact, the need for rapid development has

never been more urgent or more desperate than at the

present time. Despite persistent and organized efforts on a

global scale, progress towards development and modernization

by the less-privileged two thirds of mankind - over two

thousand million people — has been, to say the least,

disappointing. These poorer people still remain caught in a

tragic web of circumstances that drastically restrict their

legitimate right to a more decent life. They are trapped in

the grip of hunger, malnutrition, inadequate education,

dwindling opportunity and deepening poverty, while the

other third of mankind lives in countries which have

advanced economies and in an environment of priority and

abundance.

113. These goals which were set for the First United

Nations Development Decade, as is now well known to all,

seemed modest and within reach at the time when the

Decade was launched. Apart from setting the target of a

5 per cent annual growth-rate in national income for the

developing countries by 1970, the goals of the Decade also

called for an annual contribution by the rich nations of

merely 1 per cent of their gross national product to make it

possible. Indeed, we had, at the beginning of the 1960s,

entertained a confident hope that a global campaign to

bridge the chasm between the rich and the poor nations

would lead to success. The rich nations then seemed willing

and prepared to help while the poor nations themselves

seemed determined to make a stride within the limited

resources at their disposal.

114. Unfortunately, the United Nations Development

Decade, which began on a note of glorious hope, is drawing

to a close on a note of disenchantment, and it is now often

being referred to as the “decade of disillusionment”. The

5 per cent rate of growth of national income has been

achieved by only a handful of nations, including Thailand,

and not by the majority of the developing countries. The

rich nations do not seem to be exerting maximum efforts to

adopt all the necessary measures likely to help the

developing nations in their efforts towards economic

progress and social well-being, Further endeavours must

therefore be pursued by both the developed and the

developing countries to carry on preparatory work for the

Second United Nations Development Decade, with the

hope of doing better in the future.

115. We particularly trust that the more affluent nations

will demonstrate both farsightedness and genuine political

will, and that the developing countries, for their part, will

also show a greater sense of realism, so that the Second

United Nations Development Decade can be a decade of

practical success. We believe that the next Development

Decade, to which the Third World is looking with renewed

hope and confidence, should not become only a matter of

drawing up commitments. It should, in equal terms, be a

question of how to put into practical effect the means and

resources at the disposal of the international community.

Of equal importance is our realization that the preparations

for the new Decade must be made in a harmonious

atmosphere of active co-operation between the developed

and the developing countries. It is only through the

genuinely co-operative endeavour of both groups that

fruitful results can be expected and achieved.

116. I need hardly emphasize again that the widening gap

between the developed nations on the one hand, and the

developing world comprising Asia, Africa and Latin

America on the other, continues to be a matter of grave

concern to every nation on earth. Such a sad state of affairs

cannot fail to have unfavourable repercussions on international

relations. International stability can hardly be

achieved unless concrete and positive measures are taken to

bridge the gap between those two groups of nations sharing

the same world. It is true that the national efforts of the

developing countries are of primary significance. Such

efforts alone are not and can never be sufficient to make

those differences disappear; what is needed is the co-operation

of all concerned.

117. In this connexion the delegation of Thailand welcomes

the programme of international co-operation in the

survey of natural resources by earth satellites, as proposed

by His Excellency the President of the United States of

America before this Assembly the other day [1755th

meeting]. The project may be regarded as one of the many

possible areas of peaceful collaboration on a worldwide

scale in the exploration, exploitation and utilization of the

abundant wealth lying untapped on our own planet, and as

a promising initiative by a technologically more advanced

nation for the benefit of the common people the world over.

118. It is apparent from the foregoing that what the

present troubled world lacks most is perhaps not so much a

purely materialistic advancement in science and technology

as a more human consciousness of co-operation and

harmony among nations and peoples. Our Organization, as

can readily be seen, can provide a sufficiently efficient and

effective machinery for peace. If it cannot do better to

resolve the conflicts and disturbances among nations, the

cause may be found not so much in the inadequacy of the

machinery as in the unwillingness and unreadiness on the

part of nations to accept necessary adjustments of their

divergent national interests. The course for all of us to

pursue in the future seems to be that, while persevering in

working out the strategy of the Second Development

Decade, we should likewise initiate a new decade of

co-operation and harmonization among nations. In the

realm of peace-building, our efforts should be directed

towards instilling the urgency of reasonable compromises

and adjustments, of a worldwide give-and-take, and of

forging the will to live in harmony with one another,

bearing in mind the differences in human nature and

characteristics and the political and social creations of the

human mind. If steps are taken in that direction, the

nations of this earth may be embarking not only on a

periodic peace, not on a passing pax romana, but on an

enduring pax orbis for the present and future generations of

human beings.