Tanzania, 1969

136. I take this opportunity, on behalf of my Government and my

delegation, of congratulating the President on her election

to the Presidency of the General Assembly at this session,

and to wish her great success in guiding its deliberations. We

are confident that the experience she has gained in the

service of her own country and the sense of duty and

selflessness manifested in her record of performance will

bring the needed leadership to this Assemmbly, and enable it

to accomplish the difficult tasks it has before it.

137. Let me say that the entire family of African people is

proud of the recognition given to one of its most respected

and beloved daughters by her election to the Presidency of

this General Assembly. The whole continent shares with her

country, Liberia, 2 feeling of pride and happiness that one

of its citizens has been honoured by the international

community, and given the heavy responsibility of her

present position, We are confident that her sense of justice

and fair dealing will be evident throughout the work of this

Assembly, and that the reputation of Africa will be further

enhanced by her activities here.

138. I also take this opportunity of expressing our

profound sorrow at the untimely death of her predecessor,

the late and distinguished Foreign Minister of Guatemala,

Mr. Emilio Arenales, whose patience, wisdom and tolerance

won the admiration and respect of this Assembly at its

twenty-third session. His tireless efforts to make that

session a success were appreciated by all, and its

accomplishments up to the time of his death were, in no small

measure, a result of his dedication and the inspiration we all

drew from his many qualities. My delegation asks the

delegation of the Republic of Guatemala to accept our

most sincere condolences on the loss of that great man, and

to transmit them to the family, the Government and the

people of Guatemala.

139. It is inevitable that during the general debate each

Member State speaks first on those problems which engage

its efforts and resources day by day, and which directly

affect the well-being of its people. For us in Tanzania, and

for the members of the Organization of African Unity, the

continued presence in Africa of colonialism, exploitation

and racism is the most pressing international problem. The

consequences of those evil systems have not only brought

untold misery and death to. our brothers in neighbouring

territories, but have also caused our Governments and

peoples grave anxiety by threatening our own safety and

the integrity of our countries. For that reason, our primary

duty at this session of the General Assembly is to focus

attention on the explosive situation brought about by a

continuation of racism and colonialism on our continent.

140. For long periods of recent history, Africa has been

exploited and its people humiliated. Even today, in the

fatter half of the twentieth century, large numbers of

African people are still-deliberately and brutally denied that

human equality and those human rights which have been

proclaimed by the United Nations. Our people in Mozambique,

in Angola, in Guinea (Bissau), in so-called French

Somaliland, and in the Comoro Islands, are still suffering

under colonialism—often in its most brutal forms. And the

peoples of South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe are still

struggling under ruthless economic exploitation and vicious

racism.

141. Independent Africa has a duty to ask: “How long

must this go on?” Tanzania, and all those countries and

peoples who share our opposition to tyranny, slavery and

the abuse of human dignity, are asking now: “How long

will this situation be tolerated? How long will the United

Nations allow this to be camouflaged by clouds of legality

and myth?” This Assembly, embodying as it does nations’

highest aspirations for peace, justice and human dignity,

should be ashamed to convene year after year and allow the

perpetrators of those crimes to sit as honoured Members of

the United Nations. For it is a big and dangerous illusion to

imagine that colonialism, exploitation and racism are far

away and do not endanger international peace and security.

Peace and justice are indivisible. While they do not exist in

Africa, they do not exist in the world.

142. Portugal and South Africa have refused to accept the

principles of human equality and self-determination. Those

administrations have denied the ideals on which the United

Nations was founded, and which all Members are supposed

to accept. It is not that they are inefficient or incompetent

in implementing the principles of the United Nations; they

proudly declare their opposition to those principles, even

while they continue to claim their seats in this Assembly.

143. It has been pointed out that States which are not

directly. affected by those inhuman and unjust systems will

be involved in the African struggle only in so far as they are

really committed to the principles embodied in the Universal

Declaration of Human Rights and in the Charter of the

United Nations. It is to the extent that Member States of

the United Nations are committed to the ideals of this

Organization that they will decide to act in support of

them.

144. Up to now it has been easy to gauge the extent of

that commitment. The divergence between the pronouncements

which are made here and elsewhere, and the lack of

that concerted action needed to put an end to those

oppressive systems, is too evident to need comment. As

actions speak so much louder than words, so we must judge

a nation’s commitment by what it does — or does not — do.

No one should expect Africa to be fooled by phrases now.

The United Nations itself can surely no longer excuse those

who, in words, commiserate with the misery now being

experienced by the peoples of southern Africa, and at the

same time strengthen the oppressors with economic and

even military support.

145. Neither Portuguese fascism nor the brutal suppression

and exploitation of the African people by South Africa

and Rhodesia could alone have checked the African march

to freedom. Had they been forced to rely solely on their

own strength, those States would have been forced to heed

the cry for freedom, justice and progress among the African

people. But those oppressors are not alone; they are

strengthened. by many of the same States whose representatives

come to this rostrum and express their detestation

of apartheid and their devotion to the principles of national

self-determination. For how could a State as poor and

decadent as Portugal fight three vicious wars, thousands of

miles away, in territories unfamiliar and hostile to its

hordes. It could not do so if it were acting without support.

But its soldiers use the most modern weapons and

aeroplanes, such as the Fiat 91, the B-26 and the P2V to

bomb and strafe the African peoples. Those weapons are

not manufactured in Portugal. It is also relevant that

Portugal is able to send hundreds of thousands of men to

fight its colonial wars without having to worry about its

own defence because of the fact that some of its allies

station their troops in Portugal itself.

146. Portugal could never manage to maintain its hold

over the Territories of Mozambique, Angola and Guinea

(Bissau) without massive support from the members of

NATO, a fact well known to every inquiring Member of this

Assembly. Portugal could not survive for one year without

loans and capital injections into its economy from the

Western imperialist countries, The explanation that this aid

does not go into the Portuguese war effort is an obvious

attempt at deceit. Investments in either Portugal or

Portuguese-dominated Territories have the effect — and I

believe the intention — of strengthening Portugal as a State.

They also release for the colonial wars resources which

would otherwise have to be devoted to unavoidable

domestic, administrative or economic activities. Indeed, as

has been well and pointedly said, Portuguese imperialism is

imperialism on credit.

147. South Africa and Rhodesia also maintain their

oppressive régimes because of the backing they receive from

the imperialist countries’ exploitation of Africa’s wealth.

Without the connivance of its allies, South Africa’s minority

régime would be unable to maintain the economic

prosperity it has built with the forced labour of the African

people. Rhodesia’s defiance of the British Government’s

authority is also due to that same hidden support. Britain

can hardly expect this Assembly to believe that it would be

unable to enforce its will if it desired to do so. In fact,

examples of the support the Pretoria-Salisbury-Lisbon axis

receives from Western bloc countries have been given to this

Assembly on numerous occasions, and most recently. to the

United Nations Committee on Decolonization last May

in Kinshasa, Lusaka, and Dar-es-Salaam.

148. The support given the Portuguese fascists has either

been through direct military assistance or through loans

ostensibly for the development of Portugal. Some countries

have not even hidden their moral and material support for

Portuguese colonialism. For example, following important

visits of influential people from one of those countries, the

German newspaper Süddeutsche Zeitung of 25 October

1968 had this to say:

“...The Lisbon talks will deal not merely with the

future development of the mother country, but also with

the consolidation of the Portuguese presence in Africa.”

149. In fact, those visits merely confirmed what had been

done as early as 1962, when 10,000 automatic pistols were

sent to Portugal for use in the Territories of Mozambique,

Angola and Guinea (Bissau). Jet bombers, radio communication

sets, Mercedes-Benz lorries, ammunition, and

other military hardware were again sent to Portugal in 1966

to be used by its soldiers in the bloody wars against our

African peoples. The value of those weapons was in terms

of millions of dollars.

150. It is known, and it can be proved before this

Assembly, that the imperialist countries are equipping the

Portuguese army partly in return for the use of military and

so-called communication satellite tracking stations at Beja

and Alverca, and the Lajes base in the Azores Islands. The

other purpose of that equipment is to strengthen Portugal's

defence of the imperialists’ investments in the Portuguese

colonial Territories. It is unnecessary for me to explain

from where Portugal gets the P-2V, P-2V5, the Lockheed

and the North American F-84 and F-86 planes. Nor do I

have to enlarge upon the origin of other military aircraft

such as the Allouette helicopters and the Fiat 91. But all

those weapons are being used by Portugal in its colonial

wars. It is also true that the Portuguese navy is equipped

with ships and submarines from the same NATO countries.

Whom Portugal is fighting, except the freedom-fighters of

Mozambique, Angola and Guinea (Bissau), however, remains

unclear to us. Perhaps the suppliers of Portugal

would care to enlighten this Assembly about that unknown

enemy, because of whom they are prepared to finance and

supply fascist Portugal’s war against the African people.

151. It is also true that support of Portugal’s wars is an

indirect result of the involvement of Western countries in

the trade and economy of South Africa. The most recent

examples of the role of international monopolies in the

struggle for southern Africa are in connexion with the

Cabora Bassa hydro-electric dam in Mozambique, and the

River Cunene project in Angola. These two projects will

have far-reaching effects on the southern part of Africa.

They will greatly strengthen the doctrine of apartheid and

the economic exploitation of the African peoples in the

entire region. Indeed, a writer for Le Monde of Paris said of

the Cabora Basa dam project: “It could be ...a trump card

in the achievement of a South African Common Market“,

and also that it “...could become the axis along which

European settlement in southern Africa may be regrouped

and consolidated. We may thus be witnessing the crystallization

of an economic network, both very powerful and

potentially very profitable, capable of giving the rulers of

South Africa the practical and financial means of riveting

their dominant influence, and perhaps their racist policies

upon a whole range of African peoples far to the north of

South Africa.”

152. Thus a complex connexion is discernible between the

sufferings of the African people and the firms, companies,

banks and individual capitalists from the Western imperialist

countries — all backed by the Governments of those nations.

American, British, Belgian, South African, and Japanese

companies have been awarded rights to extract minerals

from Angola and Namibia, so that the struggle of the

African people in those countries has inevitably turned into

a struggle against all the forces of exploitation in southern

Africa. This sudden onslaught of imperialism in that region

was facilitated by the realization of Portugal that alone it

could not be effective in holding down the struggle of the

people; it therefore had to involve the other Powers

through Decree No. 46,312 of 28 April 1965, which

opened the door for penetration by the big Western

monopolies into Portugal and its territories.

153. The Western countries also continue to provide the

racist Government of South Africa with the economic

support it needs. Exploitation and oppression within that

country have been given the necessary facilities for extending

their tentacles into Namibia, Angola and Mozambique.

It is also obvious, and well known, that Rhodesia's

illegal régime is confidently able to execute its diabolical

policies because of that same international support; for

while Rhodesia has South Africa behind it, it has the

support of all Western countries, and United Nations

resolutions have no concrete effect on the status quo.

154. One particular example of international involvement

in southern Africa is the financial.and contracting institutions

involved in building the Cabora Bassa Dam. The three

largest consortia of firms which tendered bids for the first

contract were: the Cabora Bassa Construction Consortium,

which is an Anglo-Swiss group based in London; the

Cabora Bassa Builders, which is a Franco-American group,

including Swiss, South African and Portuguese firms; and

ZAMCO, which actually won the contract.

155. This company, ZAMCO, which is to be a Portuguese

company, was organized by the Anglo-American Corporation

of South Africa, and constitutes twelve groups of

companies from West Germany, France, South Africa, and

some other countries. No wonder O Seculo could state, as it

did on 1 July 1968, that:

“...from the simple fact that three important international

groups have been assembled to compete in the

Cahorabassa project, the major conclusion can be drawn

that Portugal enjoys unusual credit overseas”.

156. The list of companies from the imperialist countries

which are involved in the exploitation of the economic

wealth in southern Africa is, in fact, so long that it is

impossible to expose them all. From 1967 alone, a number

of American, Japanese, British, South African and West

German companies have entered into partnerships for the

joint exploitation of the wealth in the Territories held and

controlled by the Portuguese fascists. Some of the most

important contracts include the exploitation of the Uige

copper deposits of the Nippon Mining Company of Japan;

small processing factories in Luanda, in Angola, with the

financial and technical assistance of big international

monopolies such as Nestlés, of Switzerland, Coca Cola of

the United States, and Hitachi of Japan; the $64 million

agreement between South Africa and Portugal for the

construction of dams on the River Cunene; the agreement

between Angola and Texaco, on the one hand, and

Petrangol, on the other, for the exploitation of the Zaire

Petroleum deposits; and the granting of $22 million by two

German aid United States banks — one of which was the

Bankers Trust Company — to the Lobito Mining Company.

This list is not exhaustive, but it does indicate the kind and

degree of involvement by countries which assure this

General Assembly of their sympathy for the people of

Africa and of their desire to see freedom and justice in our

continent.

157. The same forces are in operation in Rhodesia.

Smith’s rebellion and defiance of world public opinion has

been possible because the British Government has refused

to take the measures necessary to topple that régime. The

story of sanctions is well known to this Assembly. The

countries which have disregarded the numerous resolutions

of the United Nations are known; they are the same ones

that have never hidden their trade with, and practical

support for, the fascist régimes in southern Africa. We all

know this to be true. The report of the Security Council’s

Committee, established in pursuance of resolution

253 (1968) of 29 May 1968 shows for how long — up to the

middle of 1968 — West Germany, Portugal, Switzerland, the

United States, Belgium, France, Italy and the Netherlands

have sneered at the United Nations.

158. Tanzania cannot be silent on this matter. We cannot

watch all this double-dealing, with the British Government

saying that sanctions will eventually “bite” while it is itself

at the same time a trading partner of Rhodesia through

South Africa. Tanzania will continue to call for drastic

measures, including the use of force, to oust the settler

régime; and it pledges itself to support the struggle to

recapture their independence that is being carried on in that

country by the African people. Let it be said now that the

consequences of the system now existing in Rhodesia will

be blamed on none other than the British Government.

That Government has had the legal duty and the ability to

stop: the minority rebellion; it has chosen instead to

comfort and aid the rebel leaders in practice, while in words

it pretends sympathy with the African majority.

159. On 12 August of this year the Security Council

adopted one of its many resolutions [269 (1969)] on the

subject of Namibia. Among other things, this resolution

called on all States to “refrain from all dealings with the

Government of South Africa purporting to act on behalf of

the territory of Namibia”. Unfortunately several members

of the Security-Council. abstained from voting on this

resolution, thus giving notice that they intended to ignore

it. That so mild a resolution should have failed to receive

unanimous support is indicative, of the real policies of the

abstaining countries. The fate of the people of Namibia, as

indeed that of the people of the other territories, under

colonial domination does not touch them at all: They will

oppose any measures which might have any effect of

reducing the value, or the monetary return, of imperialist

and exploitative investments in South Africa. It is easy to

see, therefore, why the people in those areas are coming to

the conclusion that only by armed struggle can they

entertain any hope of liberation. It is for this same reason

that Tanzania, among other countries, must now pledge

itself to talking less and doing mote to-support the just

struggle of Namibians against exploitation and apartheid.

160. There will doubtless be explanations for increased

economic and trade relations between southern Africa and

some Member countries of the United Nations. This

Assembly will, in addition, hear proclamations of the

indignation which these countries claim to feel against the

barbaric and oppressive systems in southern Africa and the

Assembly will pass new resolutions. Then these Member

countries will forget the whole question until next year.

Meanwhile, Portugal will increase its criminal activities in

Africa; South Africa and Rhodesia will tighten their grip on

the people who are already suffocating from the present

yoke of apartheid. And the peoples’ wars for freedom will

go on, with increasing numbers of dead and more people

maimed and Burned.

161. The ideals this Assembly so cherishes must not be so

compromised. They should not be so easily bartered for

profit. But if the investment and trade policies of the

imperialistic countries continue to make a mockery of the

United Nations commitment to peace and justice, then

other nations must consider whether they should acquiesce

in this inactivity. For the issues will not be settled here. If

the United Nations cannot act in support of justice with

peace, the people themselves will act in support of justice at

the cost of peace. Let those whose commitment to the

ideals of human equality allows no compromise now join

hands with the freedom fighters, and let the absence of

peace not be blamed on the patriots. For there can be no

peace without justice.

162. Another problem on the African continent is the

continuing war between Nigeria and Biafra. Loss of life

through injury and starvation has already taken a toll

unparalleled in recent history. The United Nations has no

excuse for standing idly by. There is no excuse for ignoring

the plight of millions of Biafrans, who for two years have

defended themselves courageously in the face of almost

certain extinction. Yet many people are still calling the

Nigerian-Biafran problem purely an African one.

163. It is not true that the Nigeria-Biafra conflict is a

purely African problem. Nigeria and Biafra do not manufacture

arms. They do not manufacture planes. They do not

get these things from Africa. Nigeria and Biafra have been

getting these weapons from other Member nations of this

Assembly. A war fought on African soil in which super-Powers

from outside Africa are involved physically in the

form of their arms deliveries cannot be termed a purely

African war. But if we were to close our eyes to logic and

call the Nigerian conflict an African problem, is an African

problem not a human problem? Is a human problem not

one for the United Nations? Without such supplies the war

would never have reached the peak of suffering and

destruction that we are now witnessing.

164. Yet while this arms supply continues, it is difficult to

see any end to that conflict. The Biafran people believe that

they are fighting for their very survival. Therefore, in the

absence of any Nigerian show of willingness to end the

conflict by non-military means, the Government of Tanzania

cannot foresee a solution in the near future. The

Nigerians should make up their minds about one thing: sit

round the table with the Biafrans and convince them of

their security in a future unified Nigeria — whatever form

that unified Nigeria may take — or just conquer the Biafrans

completely — rule them against their will, and thus introduce

black colonialism and black fascism in Africa.

165. It is quite clear that a military solution to the

genuine problem which exists is out of the question. It will

not be obtained so long as those supplying arms to the two

sides continue td do so, on one or another pretext. For

certainly an abundance of arms on one side will not create a

desire for peace, nor will the lack of them on the other side

deter the people from defending themselves against what

they believe to be extermination. What will continue to

happen to-an even greater extent than now - an extent

which is already alarming — is that more Biafran women and

children will be killed, either by bullets, by bombs or by

starvation. Already over 100 children per day are dying of

hunger in these areas. The United Nations must not wait for

further increases in the death toll. Even now it has been

calculated that the number of dead in Biafra, since the war

began two years ago, has surpassed the number of victims

of the Viet-Nam war during the last 10 years. This

holocaust must be brought to an end.

166. The individual nations supplying arms, planes or

pilots for this war cannot justify continuing the supply by

arguing that if they stop, others will not do so. This war

must not be used as a stepping-stone to neo-colonial gains

in trade and economic relations with one or the other side.

It is the duty of the United Nations to intervene and to put

an end to the situation where Africans are used as pawns in

the hands of contending outside interests and where

Africans between themselves fight a war for outside Powers

by proxy. Britain and the Soviet Union especially must not

be allowed to fool the world by talk of defending the

integrity of an African nation. One is tempted to ask: since

when have Britain and the Soviet Union been genuinely

interested in the unity of an African State? That is not

their purpose and will not be the effect of their actions.

Tanzania earnestly urges the United Nations not to watch

the annihilation of millions of Biafrans while using the easy

and comfortable words: “This is an African problem which

must be solved by Africans alone.” This is not an African

problem, It is a human problem. It is a problem in which

very many nations represented in this Assembly here are

directly involved through the supply of the instruments of

mass slaughter.

167. Starvation is now the major instrument by which the

Nigerian Government expects to achieve victory. But this

would be a victory over the dead. It must not be

countenanced. Reports from the International Red Cross

authorities and other relief organizations have pointed out

the desperate situation that now exists in Biafra. In the

interests of humanity, the United Nations must discard its

legalistic inhibitions and call on the Nigerian Government

to facilitate without hindrance immediate and adequate

relief operations, Food and medicines must be sent to the

helpless victims of this war.

168. While the immediate question of relief supplies is

being dealt with, new efforts must also be made to achieve

peace in this area. To this end, Tanzania strongly urges both

parties to accept a cease-fire and to open immediate and

unconditional peace talks. The good offices of the Organization

of African Unity, comprising the family of African

States, can then facilitate the search for a long-lasting and

permanent settlement of the agonizing situation. If such

talks were supported by the goodwill and real interest in

peace of parties now involved in arms delivery to both

sides, a solution could be found which would meet the

demands and wishes of both sides. But the progress towards

peace must start now. Let this Assembly go down in history

as the one which initiated peace in that area. We believe this

can be done, if all Members of this gathering think in terms

of people rather than in terms of legalities.

169. Before I conclude the survey of those African

problems which are the day-to-day preoccupation of my

Government, may I now turn to the situation in the Middle

East? A little over two years have now passed since the

June war of 1967. During that period the world as a whole,

and the United Nations in particular, must have seen the

danger which results from the continued occupation by

Israel of Arab territories occupied in that war. The uneasy

peace in that area has been getting closer and closer to

another conflagration - and one which will almost certainly

be greater and more disastrous than that of 1967. Yet

Israel, in spite of the Security Council’s November 1967

resolution [242 (1967)], has not only maintained its

occupation of Arab areas, but has also acted to strengthen

its hold on them, Israel has ignored the United Nations, and

also the appeals of nations, like my own, which support its

right to exist in peace and security within its own borders.

Its leaders have said openly that there is no question of its

returning to the boundaries which existed on 4 June 1967.

170. This intransigent attitude and the incessant violations

of the cease-fire agreement by bomb and commando

attacks must be deplored. The Israeli authorities must be

seriously discouraged by this Assembly from intensifying

their aggression. Tanzania has made its position very clear

on this issue. The United Nations must not be flouted; its

peace force must not be subjected to injury and death. The

November 1967 resolution must be respected by both sides,

and the search for a permanent peace must go on. Only

when the Arab peoples are relieved of this humiliating

occupation of their territory, and the conquerors are

deprived of their ill-gotten gains, can there be hope of any

lasting peace in the Middle East, in which the needs of

Israel can be accommodated by peaceful means. First,

therefore, Israel must stop its expansionist designs and

return the Arab territories it presently controls. Only then

can it be expected that its own right to sovereignty, and to

peace and security — rights which Tanzania has consistently

supported — will be respected by the Arab States.

171. In the rest of the world a number of conflicts exist in

which the powerful nations are exercising their might in

violations of the fundamental rights of all peoples to

independence and human dignity. Just as we in Africa

experience colossal and outmoded systems of oppression,

so the Asian continent daily sees the effects of that

delirium of power which has, throughout history, characterized

the behaviour of powerful nations. In Viet-Nam, in

particular, United States imperialism has continued to

commit wanton crimes against the innocent Viet-Namese

people.

172. It has now been over one year since the Paris peace

talks began. Unfortunately, the talks do not appear to have

made much progress, if any. In fact, it has become more

and more evident that they are not likely to result in a

peaceful settlement of the war. President Nixon’s withdrawal

of 25,000 American soldiers from Viet-Nam was

welcome, but it has not had, and cannot be expected to

have, a lasting impression on the situation, given the

number of American troops who remain.

173. The United States claims that it has to remain in

Viet-Nam to “honour its commitments”. But the truth is

that the United States has a commitment to the United

Nations, and that overriding commitment demands that it

respect the right of the Viet-Namese people to settle their

own problems without outside, even American, interference,

American involvement in what-is a Viet-Namese issue

is nothing else but aggression and interference.

174. Tanzania, therefore, once again calls on the United

States and its allies to withdraw all their troops. The Paris

peace talks must be made to succeed on the basis of the

1954 Geneva Agreements, under which the Viet-Namese

people can hammer out their own solution to a problem.

which is first and foremost a Viet-Namese domestic

problem - a solution which is consistent with their aspirations

for national peace, freedom and development.

175. We must in this connexion emphasize again that

there must be proper respect for the sanctity of international

treaties, particularly those concerning territorial

boundaries. There can be no wanton departure from this

principle. Similarly, the ancient and well-known principle

of international law, which states that treaty obligations

must be respected and executed, should also be emphasized

here. Treaties freely entered into by contracting States are

intended to survive and to be respected by States. This is

the standard of conduct to be expected in a well-ordered

community of nations and civilized States — assuming that

the United Nations is composed of such States.

176. Also in Asia, the United States, which has appropriated

to itself the role of international policeman,

continues to make it impossible for the Korean people to

realize their aspirations towards national unification. The

numerous aggressive acts perpetrated by .the United States

against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, and the

suppression of progressive workers, students, peasants and

intellectuals of South Korea, all illustrate the dangers which

are inherent in the exercise of United States might in the

world.

177. The United Republic of Tanzania therefore calls

upon the United States to withdraw its occupying forces

from Korea, to leave the Korean people to decide its fate,

and to honour its decision when it is made. It is our belief

that only in this way will the question of Korea be solved in

peace. Only by such actions will the United States

demonstrate that it has accepted its responsibility as a great

Power which respects the obligations of membership of this

Assembly of nations. The world has seen enough proof of

the military prowess of the United States; we have seen

enough proof of its technological advancement and financial

strength. The world is waiting to see proof that the

United States can also demonstrate to us its moral prowess.

178. While surveying the problems which have been forced

on the Asian continent, I should like to express the

disappointment of the people and Government of Tanzania

at the continued attempt to isolate the People’s Republic of

China and to prevent it from taking its proper place as a

Member of the United Nations and a permanent member of

the Security Council. We have been aware for a long time of

the pressure and blackmail that have been used by China’s

enemies to confuse and cloud the issue at the sessions of

this Assembly, We can only deplore these actions and point

out that attempts to isolate a great nation of over 800

million people are, in the long run, not only absurd but

dangerous as well.

179. The reasons advanced for the exclusion of the

People’s Republic of China from the United Nations have

been flimsy and unconvincing. Who represents the Chinese

people and which Government exercises legitimate and

actual power in that country cannot be a subject for serious

discussion. To pretend otherwise and to prevent the

People’s Republic of China from contributing to the

effectiveness of this Assembly is an absurdity. To talk

about China’s belligerent attitude is to close one’s eyes to

the truth about which countries have been involved in wars

of aggression since 1945.

180. The People’s Republic of China is the unquestionable

and only representative of the Chinese people. There is no

other. Taiwan is a colony which is used by United States

imperialism as a launching pad for aggression in the Far

East. There is no justification for the opposition to China’s

representation in the United Nations. It is Tanzania’s hope

that the futility of that attitude will be recognized in the

near future and that China will soon take its rightful place

amongst the nations here.

181. At every session of this Assembly great anxiety has

been expressed about the rate at which certain Powers are

developing and stocking their arsenals with nuclear

weapons. This anxiety still exists and is justified. We are

rightly demanding that those nuclear Powers pledge themselves

not to use, or threaten to use, nuclear weapons

against the non-nuclear States. Further, we demand that

they progressively and rapidly reduce their stockpiles of

these weapons and stop further development in this field.

Too little has been achieved so far; for, while the Treaty on

the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution

2373 (XXII)] demands that non-nuclear States undertake

not to develop nuclear weapons, the nuclear Powers

themselves have not renounced the use of these weapons.

The implications are very clear. One can only conclude that

nuclear blackmail is the next phase of neo-colonialism. In

the light of the lessons abundant in history, it is clear that

the possession of nuclear weapons by only a few States can

neither inspire confidence in world peace nor bring hope

for future justice.

182. South Africa, which has been condemned by all

peace-loving people of the world, has time and again

boasted that it will soon be able to include nuclear weapons

in its armoury. These statements were not made without a

purpose. They are aimed at terrorizing those who have

committed themselves to opposing the inhuman policies of

apartheid and exploitation in southern Africa. With the

help of a number of countries, notably West Germany,

South Africa is preparing to become a base for future

nuclear aggression against the rest of Africa. How can we

trust the Western Powers, for example, to guarantee the

security of our States from such aggression when they have

consistently abstained from supporting serious action de-

signed to alter the present situation in South Africa?

Indeed, how can we trust them when they go out of their

way positively to help South Africa? Yet these very

countries are the quickest to join us in condemning South

Africa.

183. If the nuclear Powers had an untainted history of

peace and non-intervention, it might have been easier for

non-nuclear States to accept the views of the nuclear

Powers on this matter if these latter had consistently shown

a concern for the universal development of peace based on

justice. But this is not so. In any case, does it make sense to

call for the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons when an

existing nuclear Power is excluded from all United Nations

forums where this and other questions are debated?

184. No nation wishes to have its existence dependent

upon the decisions, the goodwill and indeed the grace of

another country. The United Republic of Tanzania has said

at all forums dealing with this question that we deplore the

development of nuclear technology for war purposes. We

support the reduction of these evil weapons which threaten

the very existence of mankind, and we support all efforts to

stop their further stockpiling. We have called for a gradual

but steady move towards general disarmament and we will

continue to do so. We hope that all States share our fears

and will join us in moving towards that objective. But these

matters cannot be left to the nuclear club alone. Only law,

strictly adhered to, can change the present situation and

cause nuclear technology to be used exclusively for the

benefit of mankind, instead of terrorizing it.

185. I cannot end my statement without commenting on

another situation which threatens peace and harmonious

relations in the present world; for, while the present centres

of conflict are alarming, in the long run the almost certain

confrontation between the rich and the poor nations

promises to be even more frightening. Whatever reasons and

theories are advanced to explain the growing gap between

the rich and the poor, it would be naive, and indeed

self-deceiving, to ignore the essential character of economic,

social and political relations between the developed and the

developing nations, International terms of trade which

adversely affect the economies of the poor nations,

investments and loans that have usually been more burdensome

than helpful, the unwillingness of the rich nations to

advance to the developing countries even the equivalent of

1 per cent of their gross national products — all these and

many other things have conspired, and not accidentally, to

keep the poor countries poor, and make them poorer, while

the rich countries become richer.

186. Tanzania’s basic position has been that there must be

established an automatic relationship between the prices of

primary products, on the one hand, and, on the other hand,

the prices and shipping costs of manufactured goods

essential for development. Problems relating to the balance

of payments and terms of trade are intimately bound up

with general development problems of developing countries:

none of these things can be considered in isolation. As

long as the exploitative gap is maintained between the

prices of our products and those of the products essential

for the transformation of our economies, the future for

international co-operation in the economic field will remain

dark. We must be honest with ourselves. The institutions

and attitudes prevailing in international economic relations

today have been built up, and are deliberately supported,

for the. benefit of those who already have wealth. Only

when the poor nations face up to this fact will they start to

tackle the real causes of their slow growth, if not economic

stagnation. Only when these facts of international economic

relations are acknowledged will the poor nations

really be able to begin to harness their own material and

human resources for the benefit of their own people.

187. The recurring tendency of the General Assembly has

been to attempt reforms of precisely the same institutions

and attitudes which have been created to serve the capitalist

interests of the developed countries. It is not surprising,

therefore, that the United Nations has not been able to

develop a solution to the problem of world poverty. The

second session of the United Nations Conference on Trade

and Development in New Delhi, at which the developing

nations attempted to reform the economic patterns responsible

for their poverty, proves our point. The developed

countries, which derive from Africa, Asia and Latin

America inestimable wealth every year, made no move of

substance from the positions they had previously taken up.

In fact, what that session of the United Nations Conference

on Trade and Development really demonstrated to those

who are willing to learn was that the developed world could

not be looked upon as party to the aspirations of the

greater segment of the world’s population.

188. In Tanzania we have realized that self-reliance,

coupled with vigorous moves to wrest the means of

production from foreign hands and to control them in the

interest of our people, is the only way by which an

effective attack on poverty can be mounted. Nevertheless,

we feel it is our duty to point out the discrepancy between

the developed nations’ proclaimed commitment to the war

on world poverty and the simultaneous exploitation by

international monopolies of the labour of our people and

the riches of our lands.

189. African Member States of the United Nations Economic

Commission for Africa, meeting in Addis Ababa to

commemorate the tenth anniversary of that Commission in

February this year, observed the distance existing between

its work and their needs. One after another, the delegations

pointed out that it was time for the Economic Commission

for Africa to stop merely making surveys of economic

development in Africa and to start taking practical steps to

bring about concrete results. Yet it was realized that the

financial and technical means available to the Economic

Commission for Africa were inadequate. Not only that, but

the terms of reference of that Commission are such that no

important impact can be made by it in Africa as a whole or

in any one country of Africa. We wonder whether the other

Commissions for Europe, Asia and Latin America, are

equally handicapped. The observations of the Joint Inspection

Unit appointed by the Secretary-General, which visited

the Economic Commission for Africa, may help to make

the Commission of more practical value to us all. Certainly

we believe that the United Nations as a whole should study

the problems facing the Economic Commission for Africa

and the other continental Commissions and that their work

and the resources they can use should be more clearly

defined.

190. The basic purpose of the United Nations is to create

and maintain international peace, but it has long been

realized that this is possible only if the United Nations is

successful in the promotion of international justice. In all

the matters I have referred to — from the situation in

southern Africa to the economic conflict between the rich

and the poor nations — justice simply does not exist, and

therefore peace is not assured.

191. Yet, year after year the members of this Assembly

gather and explain the different problems and policies of

their Governments. It sometimes seems that nothing ever

changes, and certainly the same subjects recur again and

again. But we must not give up the attempt to get world

attention focused on world problems. For we do have the

resources, and I believe the ability, to tackle the most

pressing of the challenges before us. When man can achieve

the magnificent feat of reaching the moon, man can also

reach down to the villages and the town slums. Our

problem is a question of will, not of ability. Mankind must

find that will. We, the representatives of nations, have a

responsibility in this matter. We must speak for the world’s

governments as well as for the world’s peoples. For the

United Nations is an organization of mankind; it will

succeed in its objectives in so far as it seeks to serve

mankind.

192. Tanzania is pledged to support the United Nations in

its practical actions for peace and justice. My delegation

therefore undertakes to make every effort within its power

to contribute to the success of the work of this Assembly.