Russia, 2009

Today,

speaking from this high rostrum, I would like to

highlight five topics that are, in my view, important to

all of us and our common approaches to the

international agenda.

The first is the timing of this meeting and the

moment that humankind is currently experiencing. This

session of the General Assembly is taking place at a

very critical and complex time. It can be said without

exaggeration that we are living through one of the

watershed moments of modern history. Besides the

economic crisis — the first large-scale crisis of the era

of globalization — global development as a whole

continues to be threatened by regional and local

conflicts, terrorism, cross-border crime, food shortages

and climate change. The impact of the crisis continues

to be felt by most countries of the world. Although so

far we have been able, it seems, to avoid the very worst

scenarios, the question remains: how to overcome the

huge imbalances and deficits — amounting to trillions

of dollars — accumulated in the global and national

economies.

Our collective agenda for unification has been

dictated by life itself, which also dictates the growing

need for the United Nations as a time-tested

mechanism for harmonizing the interests of different

States and peoples. As never before, we are feeling the

need for informal collective leadership and for an

increased role for such platforms as the G-8 and the

more recent G-20, as well as other negotiation and

mediation forums, and all the more because these

operate not on a model of opposition, but rather to

advance the converging interests of their participants.

At this morning’s meeting, the President of the

United States addressed this Assembly, and I would

like to endorse one of the thoughts he voiced. He stated

that no single country can or should attempt to

dominate others, and that is absolutely true. However,

these agreed approaches need to be implemented in

some way, including through the United Nations

system.

Another distinctive feature of modern times is the

increasing role of regional entities, which are growing

more active on every continent. This trend is entirely

consistent with the principles of the United Nations.

Russia, for its part — together with its partners in the

Commonwealth of Independent States, in the

framework of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization,

and with its fellow BRIC countries Brazil, India and

China — will continue to bolster the mechanisms of

regional interaction. These mechanisms facilitate a

collective response to common threats, while

mitigating the consequences of the crisis for our

citizens and increasing the sustainability of our

national economies.

Secondly, I want to touch on the issue of existing

problems. Allow me to dwell on those that cannot be

effectively addressed without the participation or

outside the framework of the United Nations. The first

task in this regard is to address the imbalance of

existing mechanisms of global economic governance,

the inadequacy of their rules of the game, and the

chasm between the financial markets and the real

economy. We need to make joint efforts to establish

financial and economic models that will protect all of

us from such turmoil in the future.

Virtually all countries have seen a drop in output

and in the standards of living of millions of their

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citizens. The crisis has exacerbated social problems,

painfully tested young people at the very start of their

lives, and caused significant growth in unemployment

in all countries. Russia is no exception in this.

A painful blow has been delivered to our plans to

alleviate poverty. A real threat of disruption of the

Millennium Development Goals has emerged. We must

do our utmost to prevent such a development. Donor

assistance to countries in need cannot be postponed

until some other time. The tasks set out as a priority by

the international community must absolutely be

addressed. The arrangements adopted at the G-20

summits and the United Nations Conference on the

World Financial and Economic Crisis and Its Impact on

Development must be implemented — and they must

be implemented within the deadlines that we ourselves

set.

The second major task in this context is to

address the issues of global energy security. Three

years ago at the Saint Petersburg G-8 summit in

Russia, the principles for a new legal framework for

such cooperation were formulated. The goal is to

harmonize the interests of all participants in the energy

chain: suppliers, consumers and intermediaries or

transiters. It was not so long ago that we solidified

these principles, and we invite all States to engage in

discussion on them. We believe that such discussions

should be conducted with the active involvement of

specialized multilateral institutions, including, of

course, the agencies of the United Nations family.

The third task that Russia deems to be potentially

critical is the comprehensive strengthening of the

United Nations itself. The United Nations must adapt

itself in a rational way to the new global realities. It

should strengthen its influence while preserving its

multinational nature and the integrity of the Charter’s

key provisions. The most important component of the

revitalization of the United Nations is reform of the

Security Council. The time has come to speed up the

search for a compromise formula for the Security

Council’s expansion, and of course to increase its

efficiency.

The third issue I want to touch on is

disarmament. The process of multilateral disarmament

under United Nations auspices is an extremely

important task. There are grounds for hope since, as

members are aware, a number of positive trends have

emerged in overcoming the protracted crisis. The

Conference on Disarmament in Geneva has adopted its

programme of work. I should also like to mention the

Russian-Chinese initiative to develop a treaty to

prevent the deployment of weapons in outer space, as

well as our current proposal to universalize the

Russian-American Treaty on the Elimination of

Intermediate-range and Shorter-range Missiles.

Russia will unswervingly follow the path of

verifiable and irreversible reductions in nuclear

weapons as an essential element of a new start in our

relations with the United States. In Moscow in July this

year, President Obama and I not only signed a relevant

document, but also agreed on a mandate for further

negotiations to elaborate a new, legally binding treaty.

This treaty should replace the Treaty on the Reduction

and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms, which

expires in December.

Of special importance here is the relationship

between strategic offensive and defensive arms. In my

meeting with President Obama this morning, we

discussed the recently announced adjustments to the

United States’ planned development of a missile

defence system. I should like to state in this highest of

forums that we view this decision as a constructive step

in the right direction, which has deservedly received

numerous expressions of support from the international

community. Russia is ready to engage in detailed

discussions with the American side and to undertake

relevant initiatives in this field in order to reach

mutually acceptable agreement.

Without resolving such problems as missile

defence and non-nuclear strategic offensive arms, it

will be simply impossible to achieve real progress in

the field of nuclear disarmament. I believe that the

work on this new treaty will be fully consistent with

relevant provisions of the joint document endorsed by

the President of the United States and myself at our

meeting in Moscow.

We believe that other nuclear States should join

the disarmament efforts of Russia and the United

States. There is no need to wait for further progress in

the Russian-American disarmament process. We can

begin forthwith to elaborate acceptable and practical

arrangements that take into account the differences in

the size of potentials. In that respect, we could draw on

international experience in the twentieth century, for

example the 1921-1922 Washington Conference on

naval armaments, where participants agreed on the

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maximum size of their fleets without insisting on parity

in absolute terms. If we take the same approach today,

based on the current status of nuclear arsenals, we

could send the rest of the world a sure signal that the

unaccounted numbers will be added to the equation of

strategic stability.

Pursuing nuclear disarmament, strengthening the

nuclear non-proliferation regime and promoting the

peaceful use of nuclear energy will be at the very heart

of the 2010 Review Conference of the Parties to the

Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons

(NPT). We cherish the hope that it will be successful.

The global nuclear security summit scheduled for

April 2010 will provide a good opportunity for a more

detailed discussion of these issues. We support that

initiative. We have also agreed with the United States

Administration on joint steps for further progress on

such aspects of nuclear security as the prevention of

nuclear terrorism, expanding access to the benefits of

peaceful nuclear energy to all signatories implementing

the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear

Weapons in good faith, and other decisions. We call for

collective cooperation on these matters.

In order to reach a common understanding on

such important issues, we must engage all nations

and influential international organizations in the

aforementioned negotiation processes. The international

community, it must be said, has at its disposal such

tried and tested measures for enhancing regional and

international security as nuclear-weapon-free zones. In

particular, there is a very pressing need to establish a

zone in the Middle East free of all types of weapons of

mass destruction and their means of delivery. This is a

long-standing issue, with respect to which a resolution

was adopted at the 1995 NPT Review Conference.

Russia, as a member of the Quartet of

international mediators on the Middle East settlement,

has consistently supported efforts to strengthen the

nuclear non-proliferation regime in the Middle East.

Russia has made specific proposals within the

framework of the NPT review process to seek mutually

acceptable ways of implementing earlier decisions on

this matter. All countries of the region need to take an

active stance on this issue and demonstrate their

willingness to achieve that end.

We also need to accelerate work towards a

mechanism to ensure peace and security in North-East

Asia. Russia has made proposals in this regard to the

participants in the Six-Party Talks. In the present

circumstances, this task is more urgent than ever.

The fourth topic I wish to address is that of

regional conflicts and regional security. We intend to

continue to participate in the search for effective

options for settling regional conflicts. We are

convinced that the use of force can only exacerbate

such situations. That was demonstrated by the reckless

attempt by the Georgian authorities last year to resolve

the problems in their relations with South Ossetia by

military means.

At that time, in August 2008, we came very close

to a situation in which a local armed conflict had the

potential to grow into a full-scale war. I am certain that

this is clearly understood by everyone in this Hall

today. In order to ensure that this should never recur,

we need clear and effective mechanisms to implement

the principle of the indivisibility of security. Without

such a mechanism, we will not be able to move beyond

the legacy of the past or overcome existing prejudices.

I wish to stress that irresponsible regimes should not

have any opportunity whatsoever to foment disputes

among other countries.

The role and place of the modern nation in

ensuring global security is a topic of the greatest

relevance today. We have witnessed situations time and

again in which problems emerging within the confines

of an individual State have acquired a regional or even

global character. The incompetence and, very often,

ineffectiveness of national Government institutions can

have consequences that are fraught with risks for

several countries. The prevention of such an outcome

is of course a very complex and sensitive issue, but one

upon which we must deliberate together.

These issues were the focus of discussions at a

recent conference held in Russia. The outcome was

quite clear. What we require in the future is a smart

foreign policy. The current global crisis is not limited

to economics; it is also a crisis of ideas. It is the

accumulation of a critical mass of outdated policies

and development models.

Having developed the initiative to sign a new

European security treaty, Russia has proposed taking a

fresh approach to this problem and, above all,

abandoning outdated policies. We all hope that the cold

war has been left behind, but the world has not become

more secure. What we need today are modern solutions

and clear legal frameworks for implementing existing

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political commitments. We do not need declarations,

appeals or demagogues; what we need are clear legal

frameworks, including to enshrine the principle under

international law that one must not seek to ensure one’s

own security at the expense of the security of others.

Our initiative concerns the Euro-Atlantic space.

However, its key provision on the indivisibility of

security is a universal principle that is applicable to all

regions of the world and is fully consistent with the

letter and spirit of the United Nations Charter. The

principle of the indivisibility of security should be an

integral part of current international law.

Values are the last issue that I wish to mention

from this rostrum. The protection of human rights and

interests and the universal application of commonly

recognized norms and principles in that area should be

the basis for strengthening trust and stability in

international relations. We are all united by values that

are rooted in morality, religion, customs and traditions.

I am talking about such fundamental concepts as the

right to life, tolerance of dissent, responsibility towards

one’s family, charity and compassion, which are the

foundation both of daily life and of relations among

States.

However, unfortunately, it is the reality that the

world is witnessing growing nationalism and numerous

manifestations of religious intolerance and hatred. That

is why we believe that establishing a high-level group

on interfaith dialogue under the Director-General of

UNESCO is extremely valuable. It is particularly

relevant on the eve of 2010, which the United Nations

has declared International Year for the Rapprochement

of Cultures.

To conclude, I cannot fail to mention, as I stand

here, another topic that is very close to the heart of all

citizens of our country and all peoples of the world.

Next year, we are going to celebrate the sixty-fifth

anniversary of the end of the Second World War.

Russia put forward a proposal to adopt a relevant

General Assembly resolution and to hold a special

session to commemorate all victims of that war in May

next year. We cannot allow its horrible lessons to be

forgotten.

However, from time to time we see neo-fascist

organizations raise their heads. Racial, national and

ethnic crimes are being committed. Attempts are being

made to whitewash Nazism, to deny the Holocaust and

to review the decisions of the Nuremberg Tribunal. I

am convinced that strong and joint resistance to

manifestations of neo-Nazism and to attempts to revise

the results of the Second World War enshrined in the

United Nations Charter should remain a priority task of

the Organization.

The creation of the United Nations was one of the

principal achievements of the international community

in the twentieth century. This Organization and its

fruitful activities have become a symbol of the

twentieth century, and there is simply no alternative to

these activities. We have no right to forget that the

United Nations possesses unique international

legitimacy, and we all must preserve and strengthen

this shared wealth of the peoples of the world.