Russia, 1995

First of all, allow me to congratulate my

colleague, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Portugal,

Professor Diogo Freitas Do Amaral, on the occasion of

his election to the high post of the President of the

General Assembly.

Each of the 50 sessions of the General Assembly has

been a step for the international community on a difficult

road in search of peace within itself, for the strengthening

of the indispensable role of the United Nations. The

current session will be marked as the anniversary session

by the addresses to be made by the Heads of State and

Government in late October. Russia’s views on the

prospects and difficulties of establishing partnership in a

multi-polar and interdependent world — and it is with

equal partnership that we link our national and state

interests — will be stated by the Head of the Russian

State, President Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin.

If half a century of experience of the United Nations

teaches us anything, it teaches us first of all that only the

equality of States and respect for the diversity of cultures,

religions and national traditions can serve as the basis for

security and prosperity in the modern world. But the

formula “unity in diversity” also presupposes everyone’s

compliance with fundamental principles of international

law and order, respect for human rights and the

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promotion of economic progress. This is the essence of the

United Nations Charter, which identifies both common

ideals and goals and equal rights and obligations for all

States without “double standards”.

They say that generals always prepare for the last war.

Politicians and diplomats have no right to prepare for the

last peace. On the contrary, it is necessary to avoid slipping

back into a bloc mentality and dividing countries into

“friends and foes”, whether in politics or in economics.

We can indeed make the next 50 years an era of the

United Nations if we accept as its basis the indivisibility of

international security and sustainable social and economic

development for all.

This question becomes more and more acute against

the background of humanitarian disasters in Africa and

other regions of the “third world”, and the social price of

the initial stage of reforms in the post-socialist countries.

No one will be able to hide from global problems behind

dividing lines of national egotism and economic

discrimination, or even expanding military alliances. Such

things will not rein in, but rather spur on the spread of

international terrorism and drugs, and whip up the flames

of local conflicts and the arms race.

One of the principles of the “Agenda for

Development” which is being formulated now should be the

early elimination of the remaining discriminatory

restrictions in the world economy, trade and technology

transfer. In particular, Russia, which is successfully

implementing unparalleled reforms, should be recognized as

an equal trade and economic partner with an economy in

transition.

Such a strategy should also provide for the promotion

of the economic rehabilitation of countries and regions

affected by armed conflicts. The United Nations, its

specialized agencies and Member States should immediately

begin to address directly the problem of the economic

rehabilitation of Bosnia and the former Yugoslavia as a

whole, whose peoples have suffered from war and

economic sanctions that have been in effect for too long.

Russia is ready to take an active part in these efforts, and

we do and will continue to contribute substantially to a

political settlement. The real chances for such a settlement

should not be sacrificed to power or unilateral approaches.

The international community should make equally

great efforts to achieve progress in all aspects of the peace

process in the Middle East and the post-conflict

rehabilitation of all States of that region. We congratulate

Israel and the Palestinians on the occasion of their

reaching an agreement in Taba, whose official signing

ceremony will take place on 28 September next in

Washington under the chairmanship of President Clinton.

We intend to continue our joint efforts with the United

States and to make our contribution to the coming

Amman summit conference.

Europe needs a new model of general and

comprehensive security, without double standards or

dividing lines.

International dialogue on this issue is already under

way. I believe that the active involvement of the United

Nations and its specialized agencies is necessary to the

efforts aimed at the development of this model.

Incidentally, the General Assembly was born in the Old

World.

A new approach is required to disarmament issues in

Europe. On the basis of the implementation of the

Conventional Armed Forces in Europe Treaty (certainly

taking into account new realities) as early as next spring

we should arrive at new major agreements based on the

unity of the vital security interests of the peoples of the

continent instead of the bloc logic of the past.

Our proposal to all nuclear-weapon States to

elaborate a treaty on nuclear safety and strategic stability

has become even more timely.

The indefinite extension of the Non-Proliferation

Treaty establishes favourable conditions for this. Our

common task is to create the necessary political

conditions for those States that have not already done so

to accede to it as non-nuclear States. We consider it

necessary, as a matter of priority, to conclude as soon as

possible, but not later than 1996, work on the

comprehensive test-ban treaty. From this rostrum, Russia

calls for a universal and permanent moratorium on

nuclear tests.

The summit of the “Political Eight” on nuclear

safety, which is to be held next spring in Moscow at the

initiative of the President of Russia and which was

approved in Halifax, will make a major contribution to

global stability.

We would like the United Nations to take urgent

measures on the prevention of illicit trafficking in light

firearms and the proliferation of anti-personnel mines. It

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is these “light” firearms that have led to enormous human

losses in Rwanda and Angola, Liberia and Bosnia,

Tajikistan and Abkhazia. Russia has already introduced a

moratorium on the export of the most dangerous types of

anti-personnel mines. We urge other States to follow our

example.

This issue should be seriously considered in the United

Nations Disarmament Commission. While supporting the

activities of the Commission, we believe that it should

adopt a new agenda corresponding to the current scale of

cooperation in the area of security and to new threats and

challenges in this field.

The problem of global adherence to a single standard

in the area of human rights and basic democratic

institutions is very acute. Russia, approaching free,

multipartite parliamentary and presidential elections, is

making its own contribution to the establishment of these

very standards. We invite observers from foreign States and

international organizations to attend the forthcoming

elections.

It was not so long ago that dozens of agenda items of

the General Assembly were devoted to the struggle against

apartheid. Now it seems unbelievable that this problem has

been solved, owing to a large extent, to the efforts of the

United Nations. I sincerely welcome the accomplishments

of the people and the Government of South Africa, headed

by Nelson Mandela, in the democratization and creation of

a free, multiracial society.

But did we manage to overcome the danger of

violence arising through fascism, racism, and political and

religious extremism? Alas, the answer is far from

reassuring. That is why the international community has no

right to abandon its efforts in this direction and must not

tolerate the emergence of double standards.

The signing of the CIS conventions on human rights

and fundamental freedoms and on the rights of national and

language minorities was the response of the CIS States to

the United Nations recommendations on the creation of a

single humanitarian sphere in this part of the world.

However, much has yet to be done before a unitary

approach to human rights can become a norm of life for,

among others, 25 million of our compatriots in some

countries of the Commonwealth and the Baltic States. A

double standard here is unacceptable.

Russia is interested in the adoption at this session of

decisions on such issues as the struggle against racism, all

forms of xenophobia and aggressive nationalism, ensuring

the rights of minorities and the promotion of democracy

and the rule of law in countries in transition. The United

Nations should further pursue its policy of qualitative

improvement of the international human rights protection

machinery, primarily by strengthening its control and

preventive functions and enhancing its focus on specific

action. The policy of single standards must become an

incontestable rule in the sphere of peace-keeping as well.

Justice without force is powerless, while force without

justice is tyrannical.

There have been many achievements in United

Nations peace-keeping efforts. Without the Blue Helmets,

the world would be much more dangerous and dozens of

conflicts would have been much more bloody. We are

proud that approximately 20,000 Russian servicemen are

serving as peace-keepers in United Nations and CIS

operations.

However, if we want force always to go hand-in-

hand with justice in the activities of the United Nations

and those who cooperate in them, strict observance of

Security Council decisions must be ensured. Here, the

Secretary-General and his staff can always count on the

support of Russia and, I am confident, of all other

Members of the United Nations. The United Nations

should be protected from setbacks like that which has

occurred in Bosnia.

In general, it is necessary radically to improve

United Nations peace-keeping through precision of the

criteria and terms of the United Nations involvement in

areas of tension; a close linkage between peace-keeping

operations and efforts to achieve the peaceful settlement

of conflicts; the efficient operation of the whole

functional chain — peace-keeping planning, command

and control. We are for the earliest possible

implementation of the Secretary-General’s proposal on the

establishment of United Nations reserve forces.

We welcome the conclusion of the Convention on

the protection of United Nations personnel, which I

signed today on behalf of Russia. This instrument will

help to save lives of hundreds of peace-keepers in hot

spots of the world.

Peace-making activities undertaken by Russia and its

Commonwealth partners contribute to a considerable

extent to ensuring regional and international stability. We

appreciate fruitful cooperation with the United Nations in

Tajikistan and Georgia. However, the United Nations

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support of our collective efforts sometimes unfortunately

reminds us of a saying: “Too little, too late”. Russia,

together with its CIS partners, expects the United Nations

to make a radical change in its attitude towards peace-

making problems in our part of the world.

During the 50 years of the existence of the United

Nations, sanctions have been an instrument that the

Organization has used to deal with the instigators of

conflicts. Now, the time has come to give this instrument

a more selective and precise nature. The principal criteria

in this regard are: distinct objectives underlying sanctions,

advanced coordination of conditions, and mechanisms for

lifting them once the objectives are attained.

As a newly elected member of the Executive Council

of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for

Refugees, Russia intends to make an essential contribution

to overcoming a new global crisis, namely the tragedy of

millions of refugees. To this end, we intend to seek

practical results from the international conference on

refugees and migrants within the post-Soviet space.

At this session the General Assembly should give new

impetus to collective efforts by the international community

in combating crime, illicit drug-trafficking and terrorism.

The explosions in Oklahoma and Paris, the taking of

hostages in Budennovsk and chemical terrorist attacks in

Tokyo — these are bells tolling for us all.

Whatever agenda item we consider, we are convinced

time and again that the answers are to be found only on the

basis of a single standard: respect for the United Nations

Charter and for the purposes and principles of the United

Nations that have withstood the severe tests of the past five

decades and are lighting the way into the twenty-first

century.