Philippines, 1982

My delegation extends its warm congratulations to

Mr. Hollai on his unanimous election to the

presidency of the thirty- seventh session of the

General Assembly. It is my pleasure to have known

him for several years as a friend. His wide

experience, especially in the affairs of the

United Nations, and his richly deserved

reputation for skill, patience and the

accumulated wisdom of experience constitute a

guarantee that this session will be fruitful and

constructive. We look to his guidance and

leadership in the resolution of the numerous

problems that exist at this most critical period

for the relations among nations.

216. To his predecessor, Mr. Kittani, who

served under similarly difficult circumstances

and emerged with honour, my delegation also

extends its congratulations.

217. We are delighted to welcome the new

Secretary- General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar.

A thorough professional, he is universally

regarded as a diplomat's diplomat, and we are

happy that he is now at the head of the

Organization. He has revealed to us the other

side of his natureócourage and candour in

admitting the deficiencies of the United Nations,

together with constructive suggestions which

should enable us to return to the first

principles of the Charter. The Secretary-General

has seen us as in a mirror and asked us to take a

closer look at ourselves with a view to providing

remedies for the ailments of the United Nations

system. In expressing his views the Secretary-

General has reminded us that the strengthening of

the United Nations is the first order of business

and that the performance of this task, difficult

though it may be, is indispensable to the

solution of the problems which threaten the peace

of the world.

218. In the past we have often tended to

substitute hyperbole for thought. Today the

situation has changed: hyperbole has turned into

fact. The tragic events in Lebanon, serious

problems in themselves, reverberate throughout

the entire Middle East and raise anew the

unwelcome prospects of wider conflict. The Middle

East is the vortex of crisis and, if the past is

a guide to the future, it will almost certainly

involve other Powers in a conflict which may well

be larger and more destructive than any in the

unending series of Middle East wars.

219. At the core of the problem is the issue

of Palestine. The new and highly disturbing

element is a widely perceived effort to solve the

problem not through political means, but by the

use of force. This is clearly unacceptable, not

only in terms of Security Council resolution 242

(1967) but also in terms of the principles of the

Charter.

220. No one is under any illusion that the

Middle East situation can be solved on the

instant, but it is quite correct to say that the

end of armed conflict offers fresh opportunities

for a new start. The intractable problem is

ingrained psychological blocks which make

dialogue more difficult than it should be. This

is why negotiations must be a processóthat is, a

continuing dialogue which makes compromises

possible. For this reason, my delegation welcomes

the initiatives of President Reagan and the

Twelfth Arab Summit Conference at Fez. We believe

that these are starting- points which in the

course of the negotiating process could be

merged, in the legitimate interests of all the

parties concerned.

121. My delegation identifies with the positive

elements of the United States proposal, which iß

based on the Camp David accords ratified by the

Israeli Knesset, notably the immediate freeze on

the establishment of Jewish settlements and

opposition to permanent control by Israel over

the West Bank and Gaza.

222. My delegation maintains, however, that

the full autonomy envisaged for these areas

should lead to the implementation of the right of

self-determination by the Palestinian people and

the establishment of an independent State

coexisting with Israel. We hold, furthermore,

that at an appropriate stage in the process the

PLO should be a party to the negotiations leading

to permanent peace in the area.

223. It should be noted that neither the United States

nor the Arab States have rejected each other's

proposals. This fact leads to the hope, however

tenuous, that each recognizes certain common

denominators in the proposals and to the further

recognition that in the existing circumstances,

modality is of the utmost importance.

224. It is Israel that has proved to be

intransigent, possibly in the euphoria of

military success. But the one thing it must

acknowledge is that its military victory over the

PLO has, by a curious paradox, improved the

political standing of the PLO. Because of the

events in Lebanon, Israel may find itself with

its back against the wall, with foes but no

friends and isolated beyond hope of redemption.

We very much doubt that this is what Israel

wants. We therefore call upon Israel to heed the

voices of reason and moderation. Too much blood

has been spilled in the Middle East and too many

bitter tears shed for Israel to ignore the

growing clamour for peace with justice and honour.

225. Kampuchea, on the other side of the

world, the hopeful sign is the formation of the

Coalition of Kampuchean Nationalists under the

leadership of Prince Samdech Norodom Sihanouk.

The formation of the Coalition signifies the

determination of the Kampuchean nationalists to

expel the foreign forces from Kampuchean soil and

enable its people to exercise freely their right

to self-determination.

226. In deciding on a coalition the Kampuchean

nationalists have assumed the mantle of legality,

a cloak denied them before although they fought

and continue to fight, with valour, and in

circumstances of insuperable difficulties.

227. If they are to succeed in their

endeavour, they will require material assistance

from friends that have in this very Hall

condemned the illegitimate usurpation of

Kampuchea by Viet Nam. At this very moment

thousands of Kampucheans await the call in the

determined effort to recover their birthright. We

have every hope that, with the support of

friends, the Kampuchean coalition or the

democratic Government of Kampuchea will in the

end pave the way for the restoration of

Kampuchean sovereignty in free elections under

the supervision of the United Nations. In the

face of this development, Viet Nam has a final

option: to wipe out the fledgling and

under-supplied anti-Vietnamese forces before

their movement gathers strength and momentum.

There are reports that this is precisely what it

intends to do. It is in this light that the need

for support and assistance acquires urgency. We

urge our friends to provide it.

228. Another potential source of tension in

Asia is the uncertain and precarious relations

between North and South Korea. Conflict in that

divided country is bound to have a severe impact

in the strategic region of North-East Asia.

Therefore we would encourage the parties

concerned to launch fresh initiatives which could

lead towards the goal of reunification. President

Chun of South Korea has taken the initiative in

this regard and he deserves our support.

229. I shall refrain from dealing with

subjects already touched upon by President Marcos

when he addressed the Assembly the other day. I

might only add that, with respect to the

launching of global negotiations on international

economic co-operation for development, we might

remind ourselves once more that these

negotiations were conceived in the light of our

shared concern over the steady deterioration of

our economies. The need to establish a firm basis

for global economic progress that is equitable to

all acquires added importance in view of the

inadequate response of some of our institutions

to the problems of contemporary economic

relations. In joint efforts and in an admirable

spirit of compromise encouraged by the high-level

meetings in Cancun, Ottawa, Versailles and New

Delhi, among others, we have managed to reach

agreements on nearly all the outstanding points

of difference.

230. I recall that, at the signing of the

Bretton Woods Agreement in New Hampshire in 1946,

when I signed the Agreement on behalf of the

Philippines, I then said:

"The economic pattern being drawn here was established

by the victorious Allies, but this will not last

long. More members of the United Nations will

join in the future. Last year we signed a United

Nations Charter with 54 nations. I envision more

than 100 nations will join. In that case they

will decide that they want a new international

economic order."

I said that in 1946, when we signed the Bretton

Woods Agreement. That is now the North-South

dialogue.

231. As we resume discussions at this session,

we diverge on only two points. To those who hold

differing views on these two points, these are no

doubt of great importance, and their reluctance

to accept either is therefore understandable. Yet

the potential reward of agreement and the

possible penalties of failure to reach agreement

are of such magnitude that they allow us few, if

any, options. Therefore I would urge all parties

to look beyond narrower preoccupations for the

sake of the larger good. On the part of the

Philippines, my delegation is prepared to accept

neither one nor the other formulation but both

formulations in a common text. We do so in the

firm belief that in practice and application the

two points are not necessarily irreconcilable.

Such an approach, in our view, would close the

last remaining gap and thus enable the

long-delayed global negotiations to get under way.

232. Turning to another subject of a global

character, my delegation wishes to express its

gratification at the completion of the work of

the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of

the Sea. It has involved many years of difficult

negotiations but it is certainty one of the more

hopeful signs of the rich possibilities open in

the way of international cooperation.

233. Although the Convention on the Law of the

Sea was not adopted by consensus, as originally

planned, this does not detract from the

importance of the work of the Conference. The

monumental document produced by the Conference

will, when it enters into force, become the

international law, or the law of mankind, which

will govern the rights and duties of nations on

the uses of the waters of the earth. We in ASEAN

are proud that the President who steered the

Conference on the Law of the Sea to that final

declaration is Mr. Koh, the representative of

Singapore, one of the nations of ASEAN. It is the

earnest hope of my delegation, as well as of the

130 nations which voted for the Convention, that

in the interests of an orderly regime on the seas

of the world those that did not find it possible

to vote for it will in the future accede to it

and thus make the Convention universal in fact as

well as in law.

234. Allow me to return to the subject of the

Secretary-General's report. It is a subject of

extreme importance and should, if we are aware

of our responsibilities, provoke a great deal of

thought among us.

235. For years my delegation, having in mind

Article 109 of the Charter, which suggests the

holding of a general conference for a review of

the Charter, has proposed that steps be taken

towards amending it. Unfortunately, the

assumptions, not to speak of the circumstances,

which inspired the founding fathers in framing

the Charter of the United Nations changed almost

immediately after its ratification. To press the

issue of a general conference at this time would

raise a political storm which we can ill afford

in a time of persisting crises.

236. In recognition of the post-atomic

realities, the Assembly did approve the creation

of a Special Committee on the Charter of the

United Nations and on the Strengthening of the

Role of the Organization in a search for ways and

means of improving the functioning of the United

Nations within the framework of the present

Charter. The Special Committee is now ready to

present to the Assembly the first concrete

document resulting from a labour of nearly seven

years. The draft Manila declaration is a worthy

attempt to provide specific interpretations of

the Charter's provisions on the peaceful

settlement of disputes and in this sense it

constitutes a watershed in the efforts of the

Organization to ensure the well- beingof peoples

and the maintenance of international peace and

security and in addition promote the progressive

development of international law. If I read

properly between the lines of the

Secretary-General's report, that is precisely

what he means.

237. It has been said that there are two

United Nations, The first United Nations has on

balance achieved remarkable progress in the

economic and social fields, notably in assisting

the younger nations in their first faltering

efforts at development.

238. But the same cannot be said of the

second, the other United Nations in its primary

role of maintaining international peace and

security. This is the theme which the

Secretary-General develops in his bold and

perceptive annual report. Thank God for a

Secretary-General who sees through the

difficulties that we face. His suggestions cannot

be dismissed lightly for, as head of the

Organization, his voice carries special weight

and authority.

239. My delegation is prepared to support the

Secretary-General's suggestion for a meeting of

the Security Council "at the highest possible

level" to discuss the problems which have

impaired the proper functioning of the

Organization as envisioned by its founders. I can

do no better in closing than to quote the words

of the Secretary-General which we should always

bear in mind in this Hall:

"... I am absolutely convinced that the United

Nations is indispensable in a world fraught with

tension and peril. Institutions such as this are

not built in a day. They require constant

constructive work and fidelity to the principles

on which they are based.

"We take the United Nations seriously when we

desperately need it. I would urge that we also

seriously consider the practical ways in which it

should develop its capacity and be used as an

essential institution in a stormy and uncertain

world."

240. As one who has been deeply involved in

the United Nations from the very start and

bitterly regretted its defeats and savoured its

triumphs, I compliment the Secretary-General on

his acute analysis of the United Nations. I share

with him the view that we should work

unremittingly to build a sense of world community

on the firm foundation of a political and moral

order which alone can lift mankind to the "broad

sunlit uplands" of peace and security.