Mauritius, 1993

On behalf of the

Mauritius delegation, it is my pleasure and privilege to

extend to Mr. Insanally our heartiest congratulations on his

election as President of the General Assembly at its forty-

eighth session. We wish to assure him and members of his

Bureau of our full cooperation and support in the tasks that

lie ahead of them. The election of a representative of

Guyana to the presidency of this Assembly is gratifying in

more ways than one and underlines the fact that even the

smallest of States belonging to this Organization has a role

to play on the international scene and will not shy away

from any responsibility that may be entrusted to it, however

big the challenge.

We should also like to place on record our appreciation

of his predecessor for the commendable manner in which he

conducted the deliberations of the forty-seventh session of

the General Assembly.

Mauritius is pleased to welcome into the family of the

United Nations its new Members: Andorra, the Czech

Republic, Eritrea, Monaco, the Slovak Republic and The

Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. We are hopeful

that these new Members will uphold and strengthen the

ideals enshrined in the Charter of this Organization and we

look forward to their active participation in our deliberations.

Forty-eighth session - 30 September l993 29

It is important, in my delegation’s view, that I address

in the first instance an issue of prime concern to the

functioning of our Organization. There is at present much

debate and ambivalence about the future role and

orientations of the United Nations. While it is generally

accepted that the United Nations as a multilateral

organization should adapt to and reflect the profound

changes that have taken place since its founding,

considerable doubt exists on what proposals and practical

measures should be adopted to make the United Nations

system more effective and forge it into a relevant instrument

of global governance. Is the United Nations able to respond

to the new demands, opportunities and challenges that have

emerged especially since the end of the cold war and still

remain true to its Charter? That the United Nations in

recent years has already been able to play a more central

role in world affairs and assume greater responsibilities in

the wide range of social and political problems is an

indication that it has earned the growing acceptance of the

world community as a legitimate vehicle for addressing

significant global issues.

However, beneath the prestige of regained moral stature

and recognition that its ideals and message are still valid is

the reality that the United Nations administrative structures

and institutions are in dire need of reform. The United

Nations system remains ill-equipped for the scope of its

current operations and activities. The evolving nature of the

United Nations will therefore have a crucial impact on the

future shape and management of the post-cold-war

international economic and political environment.

The current debate on revitalization and restructuring

hinges on whether the United Nations should become more

focused or more encompassing. Despite clear

pronouncements for change at the level of the Assembly, the

Security Council, social and economic organs and peace-

keeping operations, it is evident that many Member States

are neither expecting the process to result in any sweeping

structural reforms nor contemplating a revision of the

Charter.

Progress will therefore need to come from within, the

result of a balancing act between divergent interests and

political considerations. It would be unfortunate, however,

if such an agreement were merely a reflection of a lowest

common denominator rather than the product of genuine

cooperation.

I concede that the reform of such an Organization is no

easy task and requires the assistance of one and all. Last

year the Mauritius delegation to the General Assembly

commended the Secretary-General’s efforts at reforming our

Organization. I should like to reiterate our appreciation for

what has been achieved so far and our support for the work

currently being undertaken by the Secretary-General to

revitalize the United Nations.

I remain convinced that the emerging global situation

has brought the objective of restructuring the United Nations

system within reach. Such reform should, in the end, cater

for the aspirations of the peoples of this world and enable

the Organization to respond favourably to the emerging new

expectations.

The General Assembly, we believe, ought to be

encouraged, by its increased membership and a general trend

towards democratization, to assume a more preponderant

place in the affairs of the Organization. It should strengthen

its policy-making role, especially in the social and economic

fields, so as to exercise greater balance with the Security

Council, whose mandate is now expanding beyond the

traditional delineation of threats to peace and security into

such areas as human-rights violations and humanitarian

assistance, through preventive diplomacy and innovative

peace-keeping operations. Thus, while remaining the crucial

forum for discussion, the General Assembly would increase

its capacity to respond to major problems and take

initiatives.

On the other hand, greater consensus among its

members has enabled the Security Council to assert its

authority and break new ground in authorizing the use of

force under Chapter VII of the Charter - for example, in

Somalia, where domestic jurisdiction would normally apply,

or Yugoslavia, through preventive action. The Council has

also had more frequent recourse to sanctions, using them on

five occasions since 1990. The intensification of the United

Nations presence has undeniably enhanced the reputation of

the Organization. But it has also raised questions about the

Council’s composition and apprehension over its decision-

making process.

The new responsibilities and importance assumed by

the Council would justify, in our view, some form of

enlargement to reflect the new level of membership of the

United Nations. A more representative Council would earn

recognition and legitimate acceptance and be able to take

action quickly and effectively with the imprimatur of

fairness.

The Council could, we believe, withstand changes and

still retain its main executive function, while improving at

30 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session

the same time its coordination with other United Nations

bodies, such as the General Assembly.

Peace-keeping has become one of the major

responsibilities of the Council. The rapid expansion of

peace-keeping operations and the huge involvement of

United Nations personnel in this area have boosted

confidence in the Organization and given it a higher

international profile. Unfortunately, peace-keeping is also

becoming a heavy burden in terms of financial and human

resources, which threatens to curtail the Organization’s

involvement in other priority areas. Peace-keeping should

not be confined merely to narrow security objectives,

excluding broader considerations of non-military threats to

security.

The Security Council has, in fact, special responsibility

in shaping the future of peace-keeping as an effective

safeguard in areas of conflict, or potential conflict, in

volatile domestic or regional situations where major threats

to international peace reside today.

However, as the Secretary-General notes in his report

on the implementation of the recommendations of his

"Agenda for Peace",

"Peace-keeping is in a state of rapid evolution as the

United Nations is asked to undertake increasingly

complex and dangerous tasks." (A/47/965, para. 26)

As the mandate of peace-keeping operations extends beyond

their traditional domain into such areas as electoral

assistance, humanitarian relief activities, human-rights

monitoring, assistance for nation-building, border-monitoring

and sanctions enforcement, clearer peace-keeping guidelines

and standards, based on properly defined mandates and

adequate financial support, become essential. Within the

parameters of fundamental principles and their interpretation,

peace-keeping operations should be designed to work. The

United Nations has made good use of the lessons of concrete

and painful experience.

Mauritius, for its part, would like to suggest that when

carrying out the reform exercise we should not only address

the issues of financial resources or expansion of the

membership of the Security Council, but also look at matters

of concern raised in other forums and their attendant

consequences for this Organization. We should, hence, not

fail to give due attention to the principles contained in the

Declaration on International Economic Cooperation, adopted

at the eighteenth special session of the General Assembly,

especially with respect to the rejuvenation of equitable

economic growth and development. We must bear clearly

in mind other new and globally agreed programmes, such as

the New Agenda for the Development of Africa, Agenda

21, which came out of the Rio Conference, and the

recommendations of the second World Conference on

Human Rights.

Any changes in the structure of the United Nations

should be the product of as large a consensus as possible, in

order to preserve the credibility of our Organization, and in

this task we must be guided inexorably by the spirit of the

United Nations Charter.

However, while we uphold this spirit, it is our opinion

that serious consideration should be given to a review of the

provisions of the Charter. A rereading of the Charter would

enable us to look anew at its contents and allow us to

propose amendments in the light of new world realities. I

also urge that the Assembly insist on greater clarity in its

resolutions. This will certainly facilitate action and prevent

time lost discussing varying interpretations of resolutions.

No doubt, one of the most striking events since the last

session of the General Assembly has been the second World

Conference on Human Rights, held in Vienna in June of this

year. The Conference was an opportunity to review the

evolution of the attitudes of the peoples of the world towards

the upholding of the rights and dignity of man since the first

World Conference on Human Rights, which was held in

Tehran in 1968. The quarter of a century that separates the

holding of these two Conferences has witnessed a lot of

changes, notably the assertion of those States which emerged

from the demise of colonization.

In Vienna, both the old and the new players in the

world’s human rights forums were able to put forward their

concerns and aspirations. The discussions, though not

always easy, had the advantage of being frank. We in

Mauritius firmly believe that the end result of the

Conference will be beneficial to the protection of the rights

of the individual. We must see to it, however, that the

provisions of the Vienna Declaration and Plan of Action are

implemented and do not become mere additional documents

in the international archives. In this context, I wish yet

again to make a special appeal to this Assembly for a

substantial increase in the resources of the Centre for Human

Rights to enable it to attend to its responsibilities with

consistency and efficiency and thus contribute more

effectively to the universal upholding of human rights.

Mauritius wishes to reiterate, in the most forceful

manner possible, its support for the recommendation of the

Forty-eighth session - 30 September l993 31

second World Conference on Human Rights that this

Assembly address urgently the need to establish a post of

United Nations high commissioner for human rights. It is

our sincere hope that a favourable decision will be reached

to reflect the wishes of the peoples of the world. Such an

office would play the necessary role of coordinating United

Nations work on human rights and would be the focal point

for upholding human rights norms.

In keeping with its stand on human rights issues,

Mauritius would also like to state its support for the

responsibilities assigned to the International Tribunal for the

prosecution of those responsible for the serious crimes

committed against humanity in the territory of the former

Yugoslavia since 1 January 1991. We would like to

congratulate all those eminent persons who have been

elected to sit on this Tribunal and wish them well in their

difficult task.

Indeed, we view with great concern and sadness the

atrocities and untold sufferings endured by the peoples of the

former Republic of Yugoslavia, particularly the children.

Let the impartial conclusions of the Tribunal serve as a

lesson to those who believe they can get away with such

degrading actions, such disrespect for human life. The

seriousness and steadfastness with which the Tribunal carries

out its duty will bear witness to the fact that the world

community does not remain insensitive and will not be

complacent in the face of such despicable and reprehensible

acts wherever and whenever they occur. Yet as this century

of our so-called civilized world fades away, the history of

Bosnia and Herzegovina will be written with the blood of

thousands of innocent men, women and children.

Earlier this year the world exulted at the news that

France, the United States of America and the Russian

Federation had voluntarily extended their moratoriums on

nuclear testing. It is heartening to observe that 1993 may

yet be the year when the world will have enjoyed the longest

respite from nuclear testing and its attendant consequences,

despite the recent disturbing reports pointing to the

possibility of a resumption of nuclear testing by certain

countries. No one doubts the nuclear strength of the

countries which have made the moratorium a policy and it

is to their credit that they have so far not been tempted to

show their might by resuming nuclear testing.

It is our sincere wish that members of the nuclear club

adhere to their declared moratoriums, for the resumption of

nuclear testing by any of those States would jeopardize the

1995 conference for the review and extension of the

non-proliferation Treaty, and would, to our mind, inevitably

undermine the current efforts aimed at global disarmament.

It would be unrealistic on our part not to recognize that,

despite uncertainties and ongoing foyers of tension, the

world political climate has improved considerably. As cold

war rivalry faded, significant bilateral progress was made

with the conclusion of the START Treaties and the

subsequent agreements for reduction in the respective

nuclear arsenals of the erstwhile super-Powers. These

positive efforts were reinforced internationally by the

decision of a number of States, including France, China and

South Africa, to adhere to the non-proliferation Treaty at a

crucial phase in its review process.

Such encouraging developments bode well for all small

nations like ours whose safety rests upon the foundations of

a reliable collective security system. The recent historic

agreement between the PLO and Israel and the imminent

constitution of a democratic non-racial South Africa should

pave the way for rapid progress towards the denuclearization

of Africa. Likewise, we note with great satisfaction the

consensus emerging in the deliberations of the Ad Hoc

Committee on the Indian Ocean to adopt new approaches in

response to the changing international situation and give

fresh impetus to the process of strengthening cooperation,

peace, security and stability in the Indian Ocean region. The

increased participation in this year’s session suggests that the

General Assembly could accordingly consider broadening the

Committee’s mandate.

Success at the regional level depends largely on a

global atmosphere that is conducive to disarmament. We

wish therefore to reiterate, in this perspective, the importance

of the current negotiations for the review of the NPT and the

conclusion of a test ban which should provide non-nuclear

States with firm security assurances and address the various

issues of nuclear proliferation. The threat of the spreading

of smaller nuclear weapons is compounded by the

availability of weapons-grade nuclear material produced

from plutonium and highly enriched uranium and the relative

lack of proper commercial safeguards. To these dangers

must be added the potential hazard of nuclear pollution and

the dumping of toxic wastes.

Casting a glance at the world in general, we have

reason to hope for the advent of peace in the various hitherto

violence-ridden regions of our planet in a not-too-distant

future. On the African continent, we note a trend towards

solutions to difficult situations. In Mozambique, we salute

the signing of the General Peace Agreement for

Mozambique between the Government of Mozambique and

32 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session

RENAMO, the Mozambique national resistance movement.

We commend the positive contribution of the United Nations

operations in Mozambique. We urge the leaders concerned

to show sufficient flexibility in the current negotiations

aimed at elaborating appropriate electoral laws for the

country.

South Africa is another source of hope. We in

Mauritius have been following very closely the evolution of

discussions in the multiparty negotiating forum and are

particularly appreciative of the resolution adopted

unanimously by the Technical Negotiating Council on

16 August 1993, which endorses the return of Walvis Bay

and the offshore islands to Namibia. We have had the

opportunity to congratulate those responsible for this very

positive step, which we also applaud as a confidence-

building measure in that region.

We welcome the installation of the Transitional

Executive Council and wish to pledge our readiness - as a

country which has made, in its own modest way, its share of

contributions to the democratization process across the

world - to help in the preparations leading to the elections of

27 April 1994.

The capacity to dismantle apartheid, establish the basis

of a new constitution by consensus, and agree on an

election date within a few years is no mean achievement.

However, whilst many rapid and positive changes are taking

place, South Africa continues to be plagued by ceaseless

violence. Time and again we have deplored the upsurge of

violence which has cost the lives of several of Africa’s most

illustrious sons, among them the sorely missed Chris Hani.

We therefore welcome wholeheartedly the proposal to

establish a national peace force in South Africa, made up of

representatives of all parties, which would be entrusted with

the task of preventing violence in particularly volatile areas.

The creation of this mechanism shows the determination and

ardent desire of all in South Africa to resolve outstanding

issues and to proceed as planned for violence-free elections

in April of next year.

In Somalia, we have been distressed by the senseless

killing of members of the United Nations Forces as well as

Somali civilians. The skirmishes being witnessed in Somalia

have regrettably shifted world attention away from the

starving millions to manhunts. Women and children dying

daily for want of food have been relegated insignificantly to

the backstage. Mauritius would like to call on the leaders of

the various Somali factions to revert to the agreement

reached in Addis Ababa and submit themselves to the peace-

keeping process within the context of the recently established

Organization of African Unity (OAU) Mechanism for the

Prevention, Management and Resolution of Conflicts. Our

fervent appeal to all those bent on perpetuating the blood

bath in Somalia is to heed the concerns of the international

community and indeed act in the interests of the Somali

people rather than in their own selfish interests.

In our Indian Ocean region, on an issue of direct

concern to us, I am happy to say that meaningful dialogue

on the Chagos Archipelago is taking place with the United

Kingdom authorities.

While we hail the success of the United Nations in

Cambodia, we cannot but decry the atrocious situation in

Angola, where thousands of lives are done away with daily.

The question that must be asked is this: to what end will a

country depleted of its human resources serve those who, in

their desperation to be at the helm of affairs, are ready to

sacrifice countless lives and lay waste that very country?

We exhort Mr. Savimbi and his UNITA to come to terms

with reality and accept the will of the Angolan people as

expressed through the ballot box.

Outside the African continent, the Middle East, which

has witnessed one of the most bitter conflicts of the century,

heralds a new era. There is cause for satisfaction in the

knowledge that the peace process which began at the Madrid

Conference in October 1991 has taken a decisive turn with

Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO)

extending mutual and official recognition to each other. Let

us hope that the plan for Palestinian self-rule in Gaza and

Jericho is but a prelude to Israel’s complete withdrawal from

the occupied territories, a sine qua non for a just and durable

peace in the Middle East.

As I said earlier, we have reason to rejoice at the

thought of more peaceful days in various areas of the world.

However, this prospect is marred by other concerns. In Fiji

the long-awaited review of the Constitution has not yet taken

place, with the unfortunate result that the electoral system is

in stagnation. We feel that meaningful changes in the

Constitution, as promised by the Fijian authorities, will

restore confidence in the Fijian community and will bring

about smoother relations in the country for the benefit of all.

Mauritius, as a multi-cultural, multi-religious and

multi-ethnic society, is willing, in all humility, to share with

Fijian authorities the benefits of its own experience of

harmonious living and to assist, should it be so wished, in

the review of the Constitution.

Forty-eighth session - 30 September l993 33

While there are promising developments in the world,

the global economy continues to evoke distress. The long-

awaited economic recovery in developed countries continues

to be inconsistent and uneven; global economic stability

remains more elusive than ever. Economic growth and

development proper are the only durable, effective and

equitable solution to instability and to a host of other

associated problems facing the world. We believe, therefore,

that it is the concern of the entire world to ponder seriously

a new form of multilateralism which would ensure

systematic coordination of policies involving all groups of

countries.

We believe that the rapid internationalization of the

world economy points to the urgency to resume North-

South dialogue constructively and in a spirit of cooperation

and understanding. This dialogue should become an

instrument for the promotion of economic growth in

developing countries and should address world economic

problems practically, instead of remaining a mere slogan

interspersed now and again by half-measures aimed more at

placating genuine concerns of the South than at evolving a

workable long-term policy to bridge the ever-widening gap

between the North and the South with immediate,

medium-term and long-term solutions to the exasperating

problems that plague most developing countries.

The efforts of most developing economies are

compromised by the consequences of unbridled

protectionism, deteriorating commodity prices, acute debt

problems, declining financial flows, poverty and

unfavourable terms for the transfer of technology. However,

in the face of the unfair competition that continues to hold

sway on the international trade scene, we should ensure, for

example, that the provisions of the Lomé Convention that

binds the European Economic Community with the Asian,

Caribbean and Pacific group of countries are upheld in any

multilateral trade negotiations.

We in Mauritius are eager for a balanced outcome of

the Uruguay Round and have therefore been extremely

disappointed at the scant attention paid to the interests of the

developing countries which are vulnerable to shifts in the

world economic order. The ongoing negotiations have

turned out to be primarily a battle of wits and nerves among

the developed countries. We have studied the latest

proposals from Geneva with attention, and our frank reaction

is one of consternation and dismay.

What is proposed is a cataclysmic operation which calls

for the system to be completely refounded, the structures that

exist to be razed, and the groupings within which we

conduct our foreign trade to be dismantled. What is

suggested by the major negotiators is a change so convulsive

that only the most resilient economies will emerge

unscathed.

Mauritius considers this situation to be most unfair,

unjust and, above all, counter-productive, in the long run.

Mauritius, which has an open economy banking on export-

led growth, is in favour of free trade and liberalization of

exchanges with due regard for the acquired rights of various

groups of developing countries. We believe, however, that

such change must come about through an orderly,

evolutionary process that will give ample time for

adaptation, rather than through external imposition which has

little consideration for factors other than economic. We

therefore appeal to all contracting parties to strive earnestly

for a conclusion of the Uruguay Round that will take into

account the difficulties of the developing countries and the

particular situation of small island States.

Both the United Nations Conference on Environment

and Development and the General Assembly have recognized

the specificities of small island States and the attention that

should be given to them in view of the special case they

constitute in the interrelation of environment and

development. These States are characterized by their limited

size in relation to the length of their coastline, limited

natural resources, relative geographical isolation, extremely

fragile and vulnerable ecosystem and a vast expanse of seas

forming part of their territorial limits. For small island

nations the ocean and the coastal environment are hence of

primary importance and constitute a basic development

resource.

The record of the United Nations in the social and

economic fields is a mixed one. Its contribution to global

awareness and respect for human rights and democratic

values is undisputed. The Rio and Vienna Conferences were

landmarks of global cooperation, despite divergent

perceptions on the strengthening of relevant institutions and

adoption of concrete measures.

Such cooperation could in our view be developed by

maintaining a strong role for the Commission on Sustainable

Development and by choosing a feasible and incremental

approach to implementing the commitments made by

Governments under Agenda 21. In this regard, we look

forward to the fruitful preparations for the Global

Conference on the Sustainable Development of Small Island

Developing States and its successful outcome in Barbados

next year, as the first test case in the ongoing Rio process.

We also feel that the General Assembly should seriously

34 General Assembly - Forty-eighth session

consider establishing an intersessional mechanism to

complete the work of the Preparatory Committee for the

Conference.

We, for our part, are as committed as any of those who

have made the protection of the global environment their

leitmotif. We have ratified the Climate Change Convention,

the Biodiversity Convention, the Montreal Protocol and the

Basel and the Bamako Conventions, among other

instruments. Our concern is to safeguard the world and

ensure the well-being of those who live in it.

(spoke in French)

Let me pursue my thoughts on participation by small

States in international life by calling attention to the fact that

in a few weeks Mauritius will have the honour to host the

fifth Summit of French-speaking Countries and by saying a

few words about the two principal themes that will be

addressed by Heads of State or Government of countries that

share the use of the French language: human rights and

development; and unity in diversity.

Those timely questions illustrate our concerns at a time

when the world is undergoing profound change and when

most of our countries continue to face challenges of

development. My country wants to make its own

contribution, however modest, to the thought of the French-

speaking world and the rest of the international community

so that mankind may see - based on the example of

Mauritius - that peaceful coexistence in a multi-cultural,

multi-ethnic, multi-linguistic culture is no mere Utopian idea.

I wish to thank the Secretary-General, a great friend of

the French-speaking world, for having agreed, despite his

weighty responsibilities, to honour us with his presence at a

Summit that will bring together, at the highest level,

delegations from 47 countries and from all continents.

(spoke in English)

As members will appreciate, we small States are

nevertheless doing our best to make our share of

contributions in order to bequeath to future generations an

environmentally clean world, a world free of want, a world

free of war, a world where peace and harmony will prevail.

Can we expect the same from those with mightier resources?