Malta, 1998

I join other delegations in

congratulating you, Sir, on your election as President of the

General Assembly. We are confident that your ability and

experience will successfully guide our work during this

session. I also wish to express our gratitude to your

predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko,

whose presidency was characterized by energy and drive.

Freedom first and foremost. That rallying cry has

inspired peoples and nations throughout this century. It

gave birth to brave acts of courage during two world

conflicts. It gave sustenance in the struggle for

decolonization. It gave stamina and resilience during and

after the dark days of the cold war.

Freedom first and foremost. That was the solid

platform on which citizens worldwide stood their ground

whenever authoritarian regimes sought to erode democracy,

human rights and the rule of law.

Freedom first and foremost. That ideal buttressed

President Roosevelt in his effort to give birth to the

United Nations.

As we strive to build a better world and struggle to

conquer the uncertainties of our times, we the peoples of

the United Nations continue to cherish those four essential

human freedoms identified by President Roosevelt in his

speech to Congress on 6 January 1941: freedom of speech

and expression — everywhere in the world; freedom of

every person to worship God in his own way —

everywhere in the world; freedom from want to secure for

every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants —

everywhere in the world; freedom from fear through a

worldwide reduction of armaments so that no nation will

be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression

against any neighbour — anywhere in the world.

Underlining these four freedoms, President Roosevelt

stressed that they were “a definite basis for a kind of

world attainable in our own time and generation”, not a

“vision of a distant millennium”.

For the past 53 sessions world leaders have gathered

here in this General Assembly to take stock of

humankind?s progress in achieving those noble aims for

which the United Nations was founded. Each year brings

with it new unknowns, new challenges, new tragedies.

Yet each year we also see movement, in small steps or in

strides, towards a more secure world.

Building a world where peace, justice and freedom

reign supreme is a duty for all of us who serve in public

office. This responsibility becomes more onerous as we

advance towards the dawning of the new millennium.

Eight years ago I was privileged to serve this

Assembly as its President. The future then beckoned. In

1989 the world had witnessed the collapse of the Soviet

bloc. Millions had reacquired their freedom. In 1990 the

idyllic aftermath of the Bush-Gorbachev Malta summit was

shattered by the invasion of Kuwait. In those times of

euphoric uncertainty I called on Member States to revitalize

this General Assembly and ensure a symbiotic relationship

between the Organization?s principal organs. The call for

reform prevailed. It bore fruit and continues to give results.

Reform is essential for the Organization?s well-being.

It is even more essential for the future of humankind.

Eight years ago I signalled the danger of a curtain of

poverty dividing the world, with the same dire

consequences as the Iron Curtain had on world peace and

security. That danger remains and has become more

pronounced.

Last week the President of the United States reminded

this Assembly that “the gulf is widening between the

world?s haves and have-nots”. (A/53/PV.7, p. 11)

Narrowing that gulf is essential if we desire a secure global

society bereft of rage. That rage often transforms itself into

acts of violence.

The ill winds that blow at present, devastating the

economies of many States and crippling progress built

through the hard work of so any families around the world,

further aggravate this situation.

The United Nations is the unique instrument to

promote and protect the universal enjoyment of human

dignity. Significantly, one of the first tasks that this

Organization set itself was the drafting of a Universal

Declaration of Human Rights. In commemorating the

fiftieth anniversary of its adoption by this Assembly, we

renew our commitment to its content. That document is not

outdated, nor can it be easily replaced. It proclaims human

rights that by their very nature are universal, inherent and

indivisible.

The Declaration is comprehensive and demands an

observance that is equally comprehensive. A selective

approach damages the Declaration and the wider concepts

that it represents. It undermines a vision of society in

which respect for human rights is paramount and universal.

There is, however, a significant lack in this

Declaration. It is an instrument with no judicial

mechanisms or sanctions. Has the time arrived to learn

from the experience of the regional human rights

conventions, in particular the European Convention,

which through its mechanisms instituted the European

Court of Human Rights and through the right of

individual petition further guarantees a judicial process

aimed at ensuring effective enforcement?

There can be no freedom without democracy.

Equally, there can be no democracy without the exercise

of individual freedoms. We underscore this reaffirmation

as we commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of the

Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

We the peoples look up to United Nations for

leadership in resolving the ills of our times. Yet we the

peoples are the United Nations. The United Nations is us.

Attempts to project or depict the United Nations as

an entity alien to the rest of the international community

or as an Organization that can determine or predetermine

the fate of peoples and society are both erroneous and

dangerous. This Organization depends on a continuation

of that balance of principles and institutions intrinsic in

the Charter. This balance is best conserved by

consolidating the process of consensus-building that has

rendered so many positive results in the past half-century.

Imposition of the will of some over the will of the others

is rarely conducive to harmony in any circumstance. It is

even less so in a forum of sovereign nation States.

There are instances when the will of the majority

traces important paths for future cooperation between

States. Yet the effort to ensure the widest a priori

adherence to the principles being negotiated is always

essential, particularly if we desire such agreements to be

universal in their application. This demands a diplomatic

and political effort that may appear exasperating. Still, it

is the path that best conserves the delicate balance

between the sovereign rights of States and the emergence

of a new world order.

We have partaken of the sorrow sown by violence

and war. We have survived the tensions of bloc

antagonism and nuclear proliferation. We have grappled

with the anguish of division and mutual suspicion. The

imminence of a new millennium naturally generates hopes

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and expectations. Foremost is the longing for the fulfilment

of the promise garnered at the end of the cold war.

Throughout this decade we committed ourselves, devising

tools to deal with uncertainties as they emerged. Yet

suffering and strife continue to plague the planet.

Shocking violations imposed upon us the duty to

provide future generations with an international judicial

mechanism to fairly establish the guilt of the perpetrators of

war crimes and provide for their punishment. We acted

with the swiftness demanded by the might of right. We set

the framework to deal with crimes that are an affront to

humanity?s sense of justice and compassion.

In Rome last July we adopted the Statute of the

International Criminal Court. We thus lay the foundation

for an effective and credible institution that in itself is a

deterrent against the commission of heinous crimes falling

under its jurisdiction. We hope that the momentum gathered

in institution-building is retained to enable the Court to start

functioning and effectively deal with crimes against

humanity whenever they occur.

Vigilance remains the order of the day. With good

reason, the world proclaimed victory at the indefinite

extension of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear

Weapons (NPT) and the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban

Treaty (CTBT). The ratification of the latter by two of the

nuclear-weapon States is a welcome and positive step. Yet

pitted against these positive developments were recent

nuclear tests carried out by two non-signatories. We have

seen the partial dismantling of nuclear arsenals, but also

witnessed the dangers of proliferation. Such actions fuel

insecurity and mistrust. We join others in strongly urging

these two countries, and indeed all countries, to exercise

restraint. Nuclear testing is a stark reminder of the dangers

ever present in nuclear weaponry.

Malta welcomes the statements of intent made by the

Prime Ministers of India and Pakistan in this Assembly last

week. They augur well for the universality of the NPT

regime. No effort must be spared to ensure universal

adherence to and compliance with the relevant treaties

covering not only nuclear weapons but also all weapons of

mass destruction. The nuclear disarmament agenda must be

kept on track. The dangers that loom are not limited to the

possession and use of such armaments by nuclear-weapon

States. The spectre of nuclear terrorism haunts us as we

combat illegal trafficking related to the possession,

production and use of such weapons.

The dangers remain multiple. Chemical and

biological weapons pose destabilizing threats. By

disturbing contrast, technologies for their acquisition and

use are relatively easy to develop. Conventional arms-

trafficking also remains a major menace.

The establishment of the Organization for the

Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) sets out a

regime of control and verification that strikes a balance,

curbing proliferation of chemicals for weapons use while

sanctioning beneficial use of chemicals by a wide range

of industries. Malta is proud to have served on the

Executive Council in its initial stage.

It is our hope that the verification protocol on

biological weapons may likewise hamper, discourage and

disallow the use of biological components for war,

conflict or conquest. Images of the maimed victims of

landmines buttress our commitment to outlaw these

weapons. Malta was among the first to sign the Ottawa

Convention, and ratification is being processed. We join

others in saluting its entry into force early next year. This

brings closer the prohibition on the use, stockpiling,

production and transfer of anti-personnel mines and their

destruction.

Equally threatening, intrusive and destabilizing are

international crime, drug-trafficking and terrorism. These

continue to poison the very roots of our societies,

spreading corruption, fear and suffering. No Government

can ignore or shield itself from such phenomena.

Complacency is both dangerous and unreal. United

Nations efforts to further international cooperation to

combat and curb these afflictions, particularly those of the

Vienna Centre for International Crime Prevention, deserve

our full and unwavering support.

Freedom, democracy and social justice have

fortunately become oft-used terms within this

Organization. They are indeed the basic elements of all

our efforts. They reflect the will to give substance to the

Charter?s reaffirmation of fundamental human rights, the

dignity and worth of the human person, and the equal

rights of men and women and of nations large and small.

Commitment to human rights must be matched by

action to promote social justice and better living standards

in larger freedom. The human rights that we promote and

protect must be complemented by the provision of a

social safety net that preserves the dignity of all. This is

a principle that the Maltese people hold dear.

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My Government was again returned to office less than

three weeks ago. The cornerstone of our agenda is the

restoration of confidence and direction and the generation

of wealth, to the benefit of all our people: our only and

most precious resource. This demands the resumption of a

strategy that invests in improving health and education

services with the same vigour with which we revolutionized

the social and economic infrastructures of our country. We

are committed to social justice and thus to the well-being

of those most vulnerable to suffering if left to their own

devices in times of economic transition. The true measure

of progress remains social justice that buttresses equity and

personal dignity and ensures the universal enjoyment of

fundamental human rights and freedoms.

The change in Administration has also brought about

the resumption of the march towards Europe which was

briefly frozen during the previous 22 months by the

previous Administration. Malta?s application for

membership of the European Union has been reactivated.

An overwhelming electoral mandate reconfirms the

European vocation of our people, repeatedly expressed in

free and fair elections during the past two decades. The

choice of our people is clear, and the path we shall follow

is equally clear. Our immediate objective is to rejoin those

countries earmarked for the next enlargement of the Union.

Though much remains to be done, the commitment of the

people and the Government is deep-seated.

We do not choose to be European. We are European:

European in history and culture, in economic structures and

political organization, in security concerns and ethical

values. Anchorage in the European Union is the natural

culmination of our development process, our traditions and

our culture. As in any other member of the Union, debate

on the benefits of membership and the consequent rights

and responsibilities continues. This is an intrinsic aspect of

the democratic process. Nowhere in Europe have choices

been easy or straightforward, but everywhere in Europe, the

freely expressed will of the people has prevailed. This is a

fundamental characteristic of Europe, a political union built

on respect for the individual and the democratic will of its

peoples.

Enlargement of the European Union to gather peoples

and nations within its fold in a spirit of pluralism, solidarity

and cooperation is more than just a process. It cannot be

seen as just an exercise in augmenting the membership. It

is much more than that. It is a political demand for the

realization of the Union and its credibility in global politics.

Characterized by reciprocity, it is a quest in peace-building,

a venture that in less than half a century has continued to

transform the founding fathers? ideal into a tangible

reality.

Like all other Mediterranean States, Malta views the

problems of its region with particular concern. At the

crossroads of cultures and civilizations, the Mediterranean

is disproportionately burdened with turmoil, tension and

conflict. Resolution of each crisis demands positive action

by the protagonists directly responsible. Yet the world

community can contribute, through its efforts and good

offices, to constructing an environment conducive to

negotiated settlement. The bitter heritage of the past

sometimes impedes that contact which is an essential first

step in the setting up of negotiating structures. In this

effort to overcome obstacles, the international community

and individual statesmen have given their fair share.

The open wounds that still afflict the region demand

renewed engagement lest they continue to fester and

degenerate into volatility that would risk spilling over to

broader areas.

The Cyprus question has long been one of these

open wounds, having political and stability repercussions

that go beyond the geographic dimensions of the island

itself. A solution in conformity with the resolutions of the

United Nations can have enduring positive effects for all

the parties concerned in the dispute.

The ever pervasive problems encountered by the

Middle East process are of particular concern. In spite of

various efforts, this process has come to a virtual

standstill. We believe in the importance of revitalizing

and respecting the commitments undertaken through and

after the Oslo peace accords. We urge all sides to respond

positively to current initiatives aimed at restoring dialogue

and hope.

The new millennium is the commemoration of the

birth of Jesus Christ, when the message that was brought

to us was “peace on Earth”. This is precisely the message

that is central to the initiative that will be debated during

this session, Bethlehem 2000. How sad it will be if the

land of the nativity is still at war 2,000 years after that

message.

The Euro-Mediterranean process was a significant

step in bringing together European and Mediterranean

countries comprehensively to address issues that still

beleaguer the region. The impasse in the Middle East has

dealt a blow to the Euro-Mediterranean process. One

hopes that this is but a temporary setback. Stability in the

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Mediterranean must rest on multiple initiatives that nurture

cooperation through gradual confidence- and security-

building measures. This is the crux of our insistence on the

need to establish a stability pact for the region. Initiatives

such as the addition of a parliamentary dimension to this

process of dialogue, promoted by the Inter-Parliamentary

Union, the setting up of a council or forum of

Mediterranean States and the eventual creation of a

conference on security and cooperation in the

Mediterranean deserve serious consideration.

Regional approaches complement and reinforce efforts

at the international level. In 1992, at the Helsinki follow-up

meeting of the then Conference on Security and

Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), Malta proposed that the

CSCE should declare itself a regional arrangement by the

terms of Chapter VIII of the United Nations Charter. We

note with satisfaction that relations between what is now

known as the Organization for Security and Cooperation in

Europe (OSCE) and the United Nations continue to be

strengthened. Apart from institutional benefits reaped

through regular contact between the two organizations, what

is more relevant is the increased cooperation on the ground

in the various parts of the OSCE area.

Ever since Dipoli, the site of the first preparatory

phase, Malta has contributed to the evolution of the OSCE

process. It has promoted the Mediterranean dimension of

this process. Mediterranean and European security remain

intimately and reciprocally linked. Strengthening of security

and cooperation in the Mediterranean is an important

element for stability in the OSCE region. Consistent

engagement by successive Malta Governments has

contributed towards the greater involvement of the

Mediterranean Partners for Cooperation in the work of the

OSCE. We will continue to work to further this

relationship.

The regional approach has reinforced cooperation

through the interlocking of different and distinct European

and international organizations. In this respect. Malta pays

homage to the role of the Council of Europe in protecting

and promoting dignity, human rights and fundamental

freedoms and in nurturing the principles of human

solidarity.

We are particularly heartened by the Secretary-

General?s stated intention to consolidate the partnership

between regional organizations and the United Nations

through a more structured, rational and cost-effective

division of labour.

Distinct from other organizations, the

Commonwealth also continues to advance avenues of

cooperation. Cross-regional projects among countries

steeped in a common tradition continue to unfold. Malta

upholds this international effort through its participation

in various programmes that promote sustainable

development.

Different scenarios face this Organization. We have

learnt that negotiating agreements is not enough.

Universality remains a priority as we develop the tools to

deal with emerging problems. Reform of this

Organization is another priority. Many of its structures

must better their effectiveness. Reform is not an end in

itself — it is an ongoing process that necessarily requires

periodic review. We must remain open to the challenge of

change by being innovative and adaptive, seeking to

reorient structures established in a different time, without

betraying the core principles that remain ever valid.

Malta has steadfastly fostered awareness of the need

to revitalize the General Assembly. With its universal,

democratic character, this Assembly is the ultimate

expression of the principle of the sovereign equality of

States. Yet, conditioned by the past, the Assembly has not

fully realized its potential. As the international consensus-

building forum, its role can be further strengthened, thus

enhancing its authority.

Progress has been registered in deliberations on

Security Council reform, but consensus still evades us.

The question of which categories of membership to

expand dominates the discussion and attracts attention.

However, other important issues, such as the transparency

and openness of the Council, continue to develop. Malta

attaches great importance to this aspect, which benefits

the widest majority of States.

Security Council decisions legally bind all Member

States. Thus, procedures enhancing consultations between

Council and Assembly members are of immense value.

Improved methods introduced in recent years, while

nurturing the symbiotic relationship that should bond

Council and Assembly, prove that conferring does not

hinder the Council?s ability to intervene with the required

swiftness.

In seeking solutions, even on what type of expansion

the Security Council should undergo, the need for general

agreement must be underscored. General agreement is not

to be seen in quantitative terms; rather, it should be

viewed as a guarantee that solutions have the political

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support to come to fruition. Agreement on this sensitive

issue must be comprehensive if it is to stand the test of

time. Lack of consensus on expanding the permanent

member category should not impede further progress.

We support the fallback position of the Non-Aligned

Movement to limit enlargement to the non-permanent

category for the time being. This will allow the process to

move forward without prejudice to an eventual continuation

of deliberations on permanent category expansion.

The environment has been the focus of uninterrupted

attention since the end of the cold war. The ushering in of

a new era of cooperation has enabled the international

community to address different areas requiring concerted

action. An unprecedented number of treaties and

conventions have been negotiated. Treaty bodies and

institutions now function effectively, addressing distinct but

related areas of concern.

In this new international milieu, the Charter?s broader

notion of trusteeship assumes renewed relevance. During

my presidency of this Assembly, the Trusteeship Council

was about to discharge its responsibility for the last of the

territories placed under its custody. Some suggested

freezing or dismantling the Council. I proposed that the

Trusteeship Council be given additional responsibility in

coordinating international endeavours that safeguard

different areas of the common heritage of humankind.

Since then, many others have proclaimed themselves

favourable to this type of reform. The identification of new

additional responsibilities for the Trusteeship Council forms

part of the reform package proposed by the Secretary-

General last year.

We have also taken note of the recommendations of

the United Nations Task Force on Environment and Human

Settlements in its report to the Secretary-General earlier this

year. The positive openness to this proposal is encouraging.

Malta intends to participate actively in the recommended

consultations to be undertaken by the Executive Director of

United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) in

preparing for the next regular session of the Governing

Council.

The application of the principles of trust and common

responsibility in a number of international conventions

makes their coordination the natural task of the Trusteeship

Council. The principle of trust should retain its rightful

place in the institutional framework of this Organization.

The International Year of the Ocean is in its final

quarter. Many feel that a forum is needed to consider the

closely interrelated problems of ocean space as a whole.

The Independent World Commission for the Oceans, on

which I have the honour to serve, has vigorously

addressed this vital issue. Malta suggests positive

consideration of the suggestion that this Assembly

institute a biennial committee of the whole to review

ocean-related questions in an integrated manner.

Notwithstanding our collective endeavours, peace

remains daily threatened in different parts of the world.

United Nations deliberations in response to such threats

rightfully enjoy a high profile with the public and in the

media. In most instances, the success of these

deliberations rests on the sheer dedication of the United

Nations officials in conflict zones and particularly on the

courageous sacrifice of troops forming part of United

Nations peacekeeping operations.

This year, we commemorate the fiftieth anniversary

of United Nations peacekeeping operations. Peacekeepers

have faced risks, humiliation, threat and death. This

notwithstanding, they have never faltered in their duty or

determination to bring hope where despair often prevails.

Despite increasing risks, the United Nations has not

shirked its responsibilities. Indeed, it has broadened its

peacekeeping mandates. I had the opportunity to

personally bring this Assembly?s message of solidarity

and support to peacekeepers serving in different parts of

the world. During the past five decades, the number of

peacekeepers who have paid the supreme sacrifice has

continued to grow. We salute and pay tribute to their

memory.

Like others who have addressed this Assembly

before me, I have outlined some challenges facing our

Organization. New problems continue to emerge,

presenting us with daunting and confounding scenarios.

Yet, despite all the odds against it, the United Nations has

withstood the test of time. It has survived because it

invested faith in humankind and dispensed hope where

misery prevailed. It has gradually built the required tools

to foster international cooperation.

Obstacles may continue to loom large, yet at no time

in human history has the potential been so great. We must

seize the opportunity provided us to act in concert. Our

commitment to the United Nations is unwavering. Our

commitment to sparing humankind from untold suffering

is strong. Together, we can head into the new millennium

imbued with the founding fathers? determination to save

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succeeding generations from the scourge of war. We owe

this to ourselves. We will strive to bequeath it to our

children.