Malta, 1995

It is with great pleasure that

I congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of

the fiftieth session of the General Assembly. You bring to

the Assembly the wealth of your personal, political and

academic experience and the positive contribution which

Portugal has given to the work of the Organization

throughout its 40 years of membership. At the dawn of

democracy in your country, yours was a determining

contribution towards freedom based on fundamental

human rights and a State built on the rule of law. Your

commitment to these principles required no mean measure

of moral and physical courage.

May I join other speakers in saluting the Foreign

Minister of Côte d’Ivoire, Mr. Amara Essy, who skilfully

led the forty-ninth session and continued to promote the

revitalization of the General Assembly within a broader

framework of strengthening the United Nations system.

It is with great pleasure that we are convinced that,

under your able leadership, Mr. President, Member States

will continue to strive to ensure that this Assembly

reflects with immediacy and with clarity that which the

world community desires of the United Nations.

The maintenance of international peace through the

advancement of social progress and better standards of

life in larger freedom for all was 50 years ago, and

remains today, the onerous but vital mission entrusted to

this Organization by the peoples of the United Nations. In

looking back at the past 50 years, we must exercise

realistic restraint. It would be a mistake to recall only

those instances when our efforts were crowned with

success. It would be equally erroneous if we were to

judge the efficacy of the United Nations by highlighting

only those complex instances when results failed to do

justice to our collective will and endeavour.

The determination to save succeeding generations

from the scourge of war was what inspired nations and

brought them together to form this Organization towards

the end of the Second World War. We have managed to

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avoid a global conflict. This is in itself a great achievement,

one that inspires hope and confidence. Yet realistic restraint

is particularly called for at this moment. Grief still echoes

over the explosions of cannon fire aimed at villages and

cities under siege.

During its first 45 years the United Nations was held

hostage to the prevailing cold war logic. Yet even during

those years, when world peace was strapped to the

terrifying balance of nuclear destructive potential, there

were moments of great significance.

The process of decolonization, even if there was

suffering at times, remains a peak achievement in

humankind’s history during the twentieth century. It

reaffirmed faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity

and worth of the human person and in the equal rights of

men and women and of nations large and small. That

process paved the way for the achievement of independence

by peoples spread around the globe, who today are

represented in this Hall as sovereign nations.

The five years since the end of the cold war have

witnessed a world community subjected to the most intense

periods of instability. High expectations violently oscillated

with the doldrums of despair; the exuberant relief of

peoples ridding themselves of totalitarian rule alternated

with the miserable anguish of occupation and “ethnic

cleansing”; rays of hope were paralleled by violent

explosions of civil strife; nuclear non-proliferation was

countered by a devastating spread in the traffic in

conventional weaponry; peace for some was matched by

wanton slaughter for others. Never have mankind’s

aspirations been so great, yet never have they been so

formidably challenged.

Such events cannot but impact on our concept of

security. The primary mandate of the United Nations is

“To maintain international peace ..., and to that

end: to take effective collective measures for the

prevention and removal of threats to the peace”.

How can we ensure and implement this commission?

Five years ago, in the General Assembly, I had the

honour of calling on the United Nations to implement the

provisions of Chapter VIII of the Charter with regard to

regional arrangements. Later, at the Helsinki follow-up

meeting of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in

Europe (CSCE), Malta proposed that the CSCE declare

itself a regional arrangement, in terms of Chapter VIII of

the United Nations Charter — which it did.

It is still too early to assess the impact and full

potential of that development, particularly in view of the

complex situations that already existed and continued to

develop in the CSCE region. However, we are convinced

that the future ability and effectiveness of the United

Nations in containing, addressing and resolving situations

of conflict is dependent on the creation and consolidation

of such regional arrangements.

The world has witnessed communities rediscover the

oldest recipes for the generation of human misery. Most

of us believed that tolerance was universally embraced,

that it was strong enough to have imbued the manner in

which we view elements that give nations and ethnic and

religious groups their rightful identity. The abuse of these

elements as a platform and weapon of war cannot but

instil in us determination to consolidate structures that

promote a permanent confidence-building dialogue.

During the darkest hours of the cold war the CSCE

learnt that confidence-building was the most effective

guarantee in the promotion of a wider concept of security.

That conviction remains as we seek to identify the

supporting structures for a European security architecture.

The broad elements of the emerging European security

architecture are already in place.

On one hand, the CSCE, now changed into the

Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe

(OSCE), is transmuting the notion of confidence- and

security-building from a remedial measure of the age of

antagonism to a tool of partnership in the new

international environment.

On the other hand, the enlarging European Union, of

which Malta expects to become full member in the near

future, provides a unique and ever-deepening dimension

of the process of regional cooperation. Malta has always

seen membership of the European Union in terms that

encompass not only economic but also much broader

political dimensions. In this spirit, membership of the

Union constitutes for us both the natural culmination of

our significant economic and social development of recent

years and — more important — the opportunity to

participate in a collective endeavour that consolidates

union within Europe and stability within the region,

thereby providing a solid anchorage for those fundamental

values of democracy, the rule of law and the observance

of human rights to which we are deeply attached.

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Comprehensive security is distinct from notions of

defence. It is much wider in scope. It is more appropriate

for treating issues not necessarily or immediately linked

with a military threat or outbreak of conflict.

Comprehensive regional security structures could be the

most effective instruments for identifying, analysing and

containing the original root causes of potential conflict.

Such regional arrangements cannot operate in

isolation. They must take into account the work of other

international mechanisms that help signal developments

which, in the short or long term, could destabilize regional

or international security. Early-warning systems are an

essential ingredient for success.

To save succeeding generations from the scourge of

war we must cultivate and nurture stability. Equilibrium in

the socio-political environment cannot be ensured through

suppression or imposition. It requires the development of

effective rapid-response mechanisms to tackle problem

areas that generate instability. A multifaceted approach

demonstrates an awareness of the manner in which different

issues, if left unattended or unresolved, fester and spread to

threaten society.

Weaving such vital areas as human rights, fundamental

freedoms and social justice into the broader network of

comprehensive security is the foundation for the launching

of stability pacts which give peoples and nations the

reassurance of peace, dignity and freedom.

In this respect Malta has been active in promoting

security and cooperation in the Mediterranean. The

obstacles are enormous, but the perils that threaten to

transform this historic middle-sea into a permanent lake of

instability are even greater.

Though aware of the difficulties in the way of its final

implementation, we have supported the idea of a conference

on security and cooperation in the Mediterranean, and

within this concept of stability in the Mediterranean we

have ourselves proposed two distinct but correlated ideas,

namely, that of a council of the Mediterranean and a

stability pact for the Mediterranean. Both are based on the

notion of dialogue in that region of turbulence.

The setting up of a council of the Mediterranean

through an association of Mediterranean States at the level

of Ministers of Foreign Affairs would facilitate cooperation

at the highest political level. A parliamentary dimension to

that association further enhances this joint action and

ensures a wider spectrum of participation by the elected

representatives in the identification and solution of

problem areas of common concern.

The measured success of the Stability Pact for

Europe, first launched by France, has underlined the need

for applying this notion to the Mediterranean region itself.

With this in mind, at the concluding conference on the

Stability Pact for Europe, Malta launched the concept of

a stability pact for the Mediterranean based on the round-

table system and not only bringing together parties to

disputes but also making possible the discussion of issues

which can serve to pre-empt the development of new

threats to the security of peoples and States in the region.

The generally positive reception which this notion has

encountered encourages us to pursue its development

further.

Malta welcomes the holding of a Euro-

Mediterranean Ministerial Conference at Barcelona in

November to consider future economic and political

relations as a milestone in the consolidation of regional

cooperation. The Mediterranean’s wealth lies in its

heritage of cultural, religious and social diversity. A

forced mutation of this rich mosaic into uniformity would

be destabilizing. Confidence-building and mutual

understanding create the route that leads to security and

cooperation. We must walk that arduous path. Within

multicultural diversity we must discover the common

values that help foster dialogue. This requires shedding

preconceived notions. It requires strong political will. It

requires that we supplant instinctive mistrust with a spirit

of mutual respect.

The key protagonists in the Middle East crisis have

demonstrated how political will and dialogue can

overcome obstacles that for decades appeared

insurmountable. We have supported the peace process and

will continue to support it, and we welcome the official

signing in Washington today of the agreements reached

last Sunday in Taba, Egypt, by Chairman Arafat and

Foreign Minister Shimon Peres on behalf of the Palestine

Liberation Organization (PLO) and Israel, respectively. A

just and long-lasting peace in the Middle East requires a

solution that takes into account both the right of peoples

to self-determination and the right of States to secure

boundaries. May this process of dialogue inspire others

who still resist this unique human tool of conflict

resolution.

In particular, we are deeply concerned that the

division of Cyprus has so far remained impervious to the

efforts of the international community, especially those of

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the Secretary-General, to find a just and lasting peaceful

solution. We predict that persistent efforts in this regard

will eventually prevail.

The Mediterranean process is of great significance to

the fiftieth session of the General Assembly. The time that

the United Nations has dedicated over the years to defusing

and resolving issues which threaten peace in the region

illustrates the weight which we attach to the spill-over

potential of current crises. More important, however, is the

fact that a successful Mediterranean process could inspire

patterns of cooperation in other areas characterized by

multicultural diversity.

Important as it is to create forums that make it easier

for political leaders to enter into dialogue on and identify

common strategies, the essential ingredient for long-term

stability, is the building of peace in the minds of all women

and men. The United Nations and its agencies have had a

major role in the effort to identify common strategies for

future achievements built on knowledge of and respect for

the multicultural diversity of the world community.

During the past 12 months three world conferences

have touched on the most crucial aspects of human rights

and freedoms, the dignity of the human person and the right

of all peoples to development. At Cairo, Copenhagen and

Beijing we worked together, conscious of our cultural

differences, yet aware that diversity need not and must not

impede our common endeavours if we are mindful of our

common heritage, our common concern and our common

interest.

This respect for multicultural identities has been

evident in the commitments undertaken by States and in the

principles which inspire the platforms of action. It must

remain ever-present in the mind of all United Nations

officials entrusted with its implementation.

One other area in which the United Nations has

traditionally been very active is that of arms control and

disarmament. Over the past 12 months the international

community has had the satisfaction of seeing a successful

conclusion to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of

Nuclear Weapons (NPT) Review Conference, with the

agreement on the indefinite extension of the

non-proliferation regime. Malta is proud to have taken an

active role in helping to bring about this agreement.

We now look forward to an early agreement on the

comprehensive ban on the testing of all nuclear weapons.

We urge all countries, in particular the nuclear States, to

take all possible measures to ensure a successful

conclusion, during the coming 12 months, of the

negotiations which have been taking place within the

Conference on Disarmament since 1994.

Anniversaries encourage us to drink from the

original source for inspiration. The United Nations

Charter was forged at a time when the struggle against a

totalitarian world vision was nearly complete. The horrors

of war were still tangible, but so also was the fear of

what could have been the fate of humankind had a

totalitarian vision prevailed.

The Charter established within its principal organs a

delicate balance based on the equal rights of nations, large

and small, and a pragmatic awareness of the particular

role which certain States had in ensuring international

peace and security.

During the past five years we have assisted in an

intense discussion among Member States on whether or

not there exists the need to evolve, reform or restructure

the principal organs of the Charter. I am personally

honoured to have been the first President of the General

Assembly to chair such a discussion within the

Organization and to make a presidential motion on this

matter approved by the Assembly which ensured

continuity. This process was later to give fruit in the

formation of the Working Groups which examined the

revitalization of the General Assembly and are still

studying the different options relative to the restructuring

of the Security Council.

In this ongoing process of review and evaluation, we

have failed to take into account the future of the

Trusteeship Council. Aware that the Trusteeship Council

had nearly completed its responsibilities for the Trust

Territories for which it was responsible, five years ago I

proposed to the General Assembly a new, additional

role — that of trustee of the different areas of common

heritage. It is because of the uncertainty as to the future

of the Council and the diverse opinions on this matter that

we have requested the inclusion of an item on the agenda

of the General Assembly at its fiftieth session entitled

“Review of the role of the Trusteeship Council”.

We are confident that when the item is discussed by

the Assembly — first in plenary and later within the Sixth

Committee — Member States will bring and share their

views with that same openness and frankness that have

characterized the discussion of the other two principal

organs. Naturally we shall, on that occasion, expound

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further our ideas on how the Trusteeship Council could

evolve.

There is one aspect which I consider it opportune to

underline at this stage: the notion of the United Nations as

a trustee. The notion that the Charter envisages is unique to

the Trusteeship Council. It is a notion which, at the time,

was immediately explicable and applicable to the Territories

placed under its care. Today, in a world that has become a

global community, we are aware that the different areas of

common heritage protected by convention require

coordination by a trustee.

To avoid fragmentation, dispersal or duplication of

effort in areas which are our common heritage, our

common concern and our common interest, we should

explore the manner in which this principal organ of the

United Nations can evolve that notion of trust, which was

its major premise, to meet our present-day needs, an

evolution that ensures that the Trusteeship Council holds in

sacred trust the common heritage of humankind and acts as

a guardian of the interests of future generations.

During the past months we have all invested much

time and energy in generating public awareness on the

importance of the fiftieth anniversary. The peoples of the

United Nations are sensitive to what we do and decide in

this forum, not out of mere curiosity or an interest in

international affairs, but because the decisions we take have

a direct bearing on their personal lives. They did so in the

past, when decolonization brought sovereignty to States and

freedom to many millions. They do so at present, when the

United Nations and its blue insignia represent the last

beacon of hope for those terrorized by the brutality of war,

famine or disease. Likewise, our decisions have a bearing

on the lives of those who serve the Organization in the

field, on the fate of the families of peace-keepers killed in

United Nations operations and all those of whom we expect

sacrifice to ensure the success of sanctions.

We pay a special tribute to all United Nations peace-

keepers, and in particular those killed while on mission.

Their dedication to duty, humanitarian concern and peace

is honoured by the whole international community.

Our deliberations this year have a particular

significance. On them hinge the hopes of millions. As we

take decisions, may we continue to be inspired by that

commitment to the maintenance of international peace, the

advancement of social progress and better standards of life

in larger freedom for all peoples, which is the platform of

action set forth in the Charter. Only then will we rightfully

deserve to be regarded as trustees of the common

concerns, common interests and common heritage which

the peoples of the United Nations have charged to our

care.