Israel, 1982

May I join the representatives who have preceded

me in this debate in offering to the President

their congratulations on his unanimous election

to the high office of President and to you, Sir,

to that of Vice-President of the thirty-seventh

session of the General Assembly. My delegation

trusts that the President will guide this session

with fairness and wisdom. I have noted with great

interest the contents of his thoughtful statement

at the opening of this session, and especially

his cogent reference to: the inclusion in the

agenda of items on so-called crisis situations

that produced nothing but sterile debate and

diverted attention from the real crises

threatening the world with an escalation of the

conflict .

58. The annual general debates at the General

Assembly provide an occasion for surveying the

state of the world, the working of the

international system during the preceding year

and for a public airing of the hopes and

concerns, the expectations and anxieties of our

nations. Such a survey will show that the

prospects for a better life and for peace for

the peoples of the world have hardly been

advanced this past year, while new difficulties

have been added to the old unresolved problems.

59. Major international problems of an

economic, social and military nature have also

grown at a rapid rate, and the international

system has not been able to cope with them. Many

essential problems have not reached the United

Nations agenda at all. With regard to others with

which the United Nations did engage itself, its

contribution has been far from encouraging. Thus,

universal disappointment has been caused this

year by the failure of the special session on

disarmament and the stalemate in the North-South

dialogue.

60. The world scene is constantly threatened

by simmering conflicts, some of which remain

dormant for the time being while others are on

the verge of eruption, their solutions eluding

international statesmanship.

61. In Afghanistan, the aggressive invasion,

occupation and strife continue unabated. A

permanent member of the Security Council

continues to ignore numerous United Nations

resolutions.

62. In both the Horn of Africa and Western

Sahara conflicts persist, and the seeds of future

violence and bloodshed are being sown with no

success achieved through international efforts to

defuse those potential volcanoes.

63. Kampuchea remains occupied by Vietnamese

troops who have disregarded calls for a

withdrawal by the United Nations, ASEAN and other

bodies.

64. Only recently we witnessed the violent

eruption of the old conflict over the Falkland

Islands (Malvinas). Although the United Nations

has been involved for years in the question of

the sovereignty over those islands, it was unable

to prevent war or to stop it.

65. In our region instability is endemic. It

arises from a variety of causes, which must be

recognized for what they are. In most countries

great poverty exists alongside the immense wealth

of some of the oil- producing States. Some

Governments are alarmed at the rise of fanatical

fundamentalist movements. Most countries are

governed by regimes that retain absolute power in

their hands, and any expression of criticism or

opposition is ruthlessly suppressed. Talk of Arab

solidarity and unity often conceals or is refuted

by a reality of constant strife, tension and

friction between neighbouring States.

66. The Moody and senseless war between Iraq

and Iran rages on. It has already exacted many

thousands of casualties and consumed several

scores of billions of dollars which could well

have been utilized for development and social

progress.

67. Lebanon is beginning to emerge from a

seven- year-old conflict in which the Lebanese

were occupied and ravaged by their Syrian

neighbors and their unwelcome guests, the

terrorists of the PLO.

68. I do not mention these conflicts and the

chronic instability which produces them in a

spirit of criticism or denigration. They are part

of the reality with which everyone concerned with

durable peace and security in the Middle East has

to contend. No magic formula can change this

situation or solve the problems that created it.

69. Nevertheless, there are those who

suggest, whether out of naivety, ignorance or ill

intent, that a solution to the Arab-Israeli

dispute would bring peace and stability

throughout the Middle East region. The recent

events in Lebanon alone demonstrate the fallacy

of this suggestion. Some Arab Governments could

not resist the temptation to utilize the services

of terrorist organizations to settle their scores

with other Governments. A small defenseless

State, Lebanon, with a weak Government, became an

ideal battleground for this purpose. This was

compounded by Syria's designs on Lebanon's

independence and integrity. The resultant

explosion had little or no connection with the

Arab-Israeli conflict. The same applies to the

Iraq-Iran conflict, the tension between Jordan

and Syria and the endless disputes between Libya

and the rest of the Arab world.

70. It is frequently claimed that the fault

lies, not in the United Nations system, but in

its Members, that the Organization merely

reflects their failings. This is of course true,

but it is equally true that a system which

encourages contention rather than compromise,

boycott rather than co-operation, confrontation

rather than negotiation, hardly meets the needs

of a world as diverse as ours in race, religion,

culture and social and political practice.

71. Particularly and unnecessarily disruptive

is the undue politicization of the United Nations

specialized agencies. Instead of devoting

themselves to the social, humanitarian,

scientific and technical tasks which they were

set up to perform and which most of them perform

well when allowed to do so, these agencies are

only too frequently subverted and misused for

partisan interests. Can it be doubted that this

is one of the causes for the failure of the

United Nations system to contribute effectively

towards halting the crises and deterioration in

the world economy?

72. I feel that it is appropriate for me at

this juncture to pay a tribute to the

Secretary-General, who has provided us with much

food for thought in his provocative and

imaginative report on the work of the

Organization. I represent a country which most

certainly can be said to be reluctant to resort

to the Security Council or to use the machinery

of the United Nations . The Secretary-General has

cogently set out the reasons. I can assure him

that the Government of Israel will support

constructive and effective measures advancing the

prospect of a world in whichóto use his

languageóthe small and weak have reliable defense

and shelter. At the same time, we shall warn

against and oppose steps designed to exploit and

abuse the Secretary-General thoughtful proposals

as one more tool of political warfare.

73. The principles, upon which the United

Nations was founded, as well as the Charter,

should have moved the Organization and its

Membersóas far back as 30 years agoóto take a

stand against the denial on the part of the Arab

world of the right of a Member State, Israel, to

exist in security. When the United Nations

ignored this inalienable obligation, it did so at

its peril, undermining its own credibility and

moral power. Since then, the United Nations has

lacked the courage to rise and condemn any act of

aggression, threat, violence, blackmail and

terror, both direct and indirect, towards Israel

by the Arab States and their accomplices.

74. The Assembly has even chosen to reject

the Camp David accords and the Israel-Egyptian

peace treaty and has ignored the completion

earlier this year of Israel's withdrawal from

Sinai. It has devoted much time to other,

apparently more congenial, aspects of the

Arab-Israeli conflict.

75. Among the thousands of resolutions

adopted by the General Assembly and the Security

Council or any other United Nations body during

the past 30 years, one will find hardly a single

decision or resolution that explicitly condemns

by name any Arab State or organization for

attacks on Israel or Israelis. During these 30

years, have Arabs never practiced military

attacks, terrorist actions, hijacking airplanes,

taking hostages, not to speak of the placing of

embargoes and blockades and any similar hostile

act which international law would even define as

a casus belli the Arab States and their terror

organizations always appear to be innocent and

injured; offended but never offending.

76. United Nations documentation is replete

with anti-Israel resolutions, which have

increased yearly in both number and length,

overflowing with distorted suppositions,

arbitrary statements and one-sided and

destructive recommendations and decisions. Even

the discussion of the establishment of a nuclear-

weapon-free zone in the Middle East did not

escape the bane of politicization and

partisanship. The consensus attained on this

issue in the Assembly in 1980 was wrecked last

year. We hope that it can be restored, and we

stand by our statements made here in the past.

None of the many differences between the States

of the Middle East should be permitted to stand

in the way of a nuclear-weapon-free zone. This we

owe to our children and their common future. The

Government of Israel stands ready to begin

negotiations to this end with all Middle Eastern

States at once, anywhere and without

pre-conditions.

77. Double standards and distortion have

spread from General Assembly and committee

discussions to other United Nations bodies,

including the Security Council, and from there to

the directives given to the United Nations forces

and instrumentalities in the Middle East. A

notable case is the misuse of UNRWA. That Agency

was charged with the rehabilitation of refugees

but became a tool to preserve the refugee camps,

in which idle people were subjected to

incitement and coercion in the service of

terrorist organizations.

78. The specialized agencies, such as WHO,

ILO and so on have also been exploited for the

purpose of propaganda warfare against Israel,

overstepping their areas of responsibility and

competence. Last week at the General Conference

of IAEA great damage was done to the integrity of

that Agency and the whole United Nations system

when the credentials of the delegation of Israel

were rejected in a blatant exercise of political

abuse and discrimination.

79. The accumulated effect of these

distortions and shortcomings could be clearly

seen in Lebanon. There developed a threat to

Israel, as well as to the welfare and

independence of Lebanon, a base for international

terror and a large heavily armed force which was

being put into action in constantly escalating

attacks on the villages and towns of northern

Israel.

80. Benefiting from the respectability and

prestige bestowed by United Nations resolutions,

the PLO entrenched itself in Lebanon and set up a

pirate State within a State, forcing a regime of

terror on the Palestinians and Lebanese. The

PLO's terrorist bases, designed for attacks on

Israel and to serve international terror,

operated and grew unhindered within camps marked

by UNRWA signs and enjoying welfare payments

contributed for humanitarian purposes. Behind the

backs of the United Nations peace-keeping forces

in southern Lebanon the terrorists built a

military infrastructure and huge arms stores, in

preparation for a combined Arab assault against

Israel from the north and the east.

81. Had we allowed United Nations

resolutions, as distinct from the Charter, to

determine what might or might not be done in

Arab-Israeli relations, our future would have

been destruction. Those resolutions allowed Arab

countries to pursue their belligerence against

Israelómilitary, political, economic and so

forthóand the PLO could continue its terror

warfare against Israel, Israelis and Jews,

without any restriction by the United Nations.

The enemies of Israel felt that they could embark

on a full-scale military attack whenever they

judged the hour to be right, knowing full wel

that the United Nations would not move a finger

to stop them.

82. It is sufficient to recall United Nations

behavior in 1967, when discussion in the Security

Council of the warlike steps Egypt had carried

out in May and June 1967 was prevented. It is

enough to be reminded of the apathy with which

the United Nations reacted when Egypt and Syria

broke the cease-fire and launched a co-ordinate

surprise attack on Israel on Yom Kippur 1973.

83. Even the information at our disposal

before the Peace for Galilee operation in early

June did not foresee all that we found in the

terrorists' bases, headquarters, arms and

ammunition reservoirs, operational documents and

so forth. We received concrete proof of planned,

large-scale aggression which was to have taken

place in the near future.

84. Lebanese and also Palestinians who for

years suffered from PLO terror and feared to

divulge what had happened to them are now free to

unmask the true face of the PLO in action. They

corroborate our gravest suspicions.

85. The entire international community has

the responsibility and should have the courage to

stand up and formally ban PLO terrorism and expel

its representatives from every self-respecting

State and every international body. The United

Nations and its agencies cannot begin the process

of rehabilitation and revitalization as long as

such organizations and their representatives are

permitted to set foot in a civilized forum.

86. Thirty-seven years ago, with the defeat

of nazism, we all believed that the civilized

world had learned the lesson of anti-Semitism

that led to its most terrible

expressionógenocide. Unfortunately, this monster

is raising its ugly head once again. Often,

attacks on Israel or Zionism in international

forums serve as a transparent mask for

anti-Semitism. The State of Israel, which is the

fulfillment of the Jewish national movement,

cannot and will not passively accept a resurgence

of this evil ideology. We call on all self-

respecting people and Governments to join in a

renewed solemn undertaking to stamp out

anti-Semitism, in all its forms and expressions,

from human society.

87. It is a stain on our civilization and on

the Governments directly concerned that Jewish

communities in the Soviet Union and in Syria

remain deprived of their human rights, especially

the basic right to leave and take up residence in

countries of their choice. The State of Israel,

national homeland of the Jewish people, cannot

and will not rest until these rights are granted.

88. Just four years ago the leaders of Egypt,

Israel and the United States concluded an

historic agreement at Camp David. Egypt assumed

the role of pioneer among Arab States. The two

neighbors accepted each other's right to exist

behind secure and recognized borders. The

negotiations were long and arduous. Israel's

sacrifices and the risks it undertook in the

implementation of the Camp David accords were

heavy. A framework for general peace was

pains-takingly devised. Egypt, Israel and the

United States repeatedly countered criticism of

the Camp David accords, emphasizing that these

accords were the only agreed, and therefore the

only viable, path to peace between Israel and its

neighbors.

89. Our approach is practical and realistic.

We are ready to renew negotiations toward the

establishment of the self-governing authority for

the Arab inhabitants of Judea, Samaria and Gaza

District, as provided for in the autonomy plan.

The representatives who will be elected to the

administrative council will be empowered to speak

for the population and negotiate on the future

status. There is a great deal of logic in the

provisions specified in the Camp David agreement

that the final status of these areas should not

be negotiated at the present stage. We remain

convinced that to focus now on what is beyond the

horizon is a sure way of inviting failure.

90. Israel would welcome additional partners

to the process, as provided for in the Camp David

accords. We firmly believe that agreement is

achievable. There is no need to introduce new

concepts and approaches which were discarded or

not accepted at Camp David. We are not prepared,

for instance, to reopen the debate on issues,

such as the creation of a second Palestinian Arab

State, which were rejected at Camp David in favor

of more realistic and acceptable solutions.

91. As for the refugee status in which many

Palestinian Arabs have been kept over all the

years since 1948, this is shameful testimony to

the cynical exploitation of human suffering for

political ends by Arab Governments. The number of

Palestinian Arab refugees in 1948 was about

350,000. There is no lack of land or financial

resources in Arab lands, including Palestinian

territory in Trans-Jordan, to provide them with

homes and employment. Israel did as much and even

more, with meager resources, for some 800,000

Jews who left or fled from Arab and Moslem lands

after 1948. The humanitarian aspect of this

problem could have been solved several times over

in the intervening years.

92. In addition to creating a Palestine

problem and using it as a weapon against Israel,

Arab Governments instituted a boycott against

Israel in almost every sphere of human endeavor

and supported the terrorist organizations'

attacks on Israel. Against this background of

active and sustained belligerency, it is

ludicrous to search for moderation in possible

hints contained in Arab summit resolutions,

including the recent one at Fez. Any change

toward moderation must first be reflected in

deeds and facts.

93. The Arab leaders responsible for this

campaign against Israel have inflicted much

suffering on the Palestinian Arabs without

bringing them any closer to a solution of their

problems. History will record the fact that

Israel did more for the Palestinian Arabs and

their welfare than their Arab brethren.

94. Israel remains faithful to its commitment

under the Camp David accords. Israel has

cautioned against attempts to reinterpret,

renegotiate or bypass them. These accords are the

only accepted blueprint for the implementation of

Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338

(1973). Pressing Israel for more territorial

withdrawals will not bring peace. Indeed, there

is no peace without security, and further

territorial amputations negate security. Those of

Israel's neighbors who seek peace and coexistence

will find Israel a willing partner. But those who

think that they can weaken Israel while dangling

the word peace as a bait are deluding

themselves. The reward for peace is peace itself.

There can be no greater recompense in such a

vital and noble cause.

95. The foul massacre of civilians in the

camps at Beirut brought a wave of shock, outrage

and revulsion in Israel. The perpetrators of this

crime are well known. They were not Israeli.

Nevertheless, there were manifestations of blind

hatred and false accusations leveled at Israel

from a number of quarters. Such actions are

outrageous and deserve universal condemnation.

96. AH those who proceed along this path must

realize that by such action they are weakening

the chances of peace and encouraging those

elements in the Middle East whose interests are

served by radicalization and violence. The Middle

East is sorely in need of good counsel,

moderation, much patience and a sincere desire

for coexistence of diverse ideas, ideologies,

faiths and communities. Israel, for its part, is

ready to participate in and contribute to the

creation of such a reality and atmosphere in the

Middle East.